User:Noleander/sandboxJC

TO DO

Next

1. Create concise summary of "Cook & indigenous" to go into main article
2. Any new material from book by Anne Salmon: Aphrodite's Island about Tahiti
3. Italics for Polynesian words ... consistency
4. Remove (comment-out) footnote-type commentary from sfn cites

Sooner

1. cleanup prose in Commemoration section
2. cleanup prose in Controversy sec (summarize from new Relation article)
3. New topical material (commerce, personality, etc - wait for new Relation subarticle to mature)
4. Add "see also" link to Relations subarticle from JC article

Later

1. another Peer Review
2. go thru my MOS checklist
3. FA-level source review esp for first few sections
4. eliminate (comment-out) minor footnotes

Draft July 2025

Outline

As discussed above in this Talk page, the article is missing some material (Cook's personality, indigenous relations, Cook's own illnesses, commerce, etc). We'll need to adjust the article's outline to accommodate the new material. As a starting point, I suggest reorganizing the Legacy section by replacing it with the following new sections:

1. Navigation, charting; chronometer; longitude problem; etc
2. Science; scurvy; Copley medal; Cook's interest in languages/ethnography/anthropology; etc
3. Ship practices, crew health; scurvy prevention; cleanliness; crew discipline/punishments; management, leadership; etc
4. Relations with indigenous peoples. This would be a concise summary of the content of the James Cook and indigenous peoples subarticle. This would include any material from the current "Controversy" section.
5. Exploration; globalization; search for new lands & passages to promote commerce; etc
6. Cook's own illnesses & injuries; hand injury; 2nd voyage gastro; 3rd voyage irritability; etc
7. Character; personality; attributes; crew's perception of C; Cook abstained from sexual relations; etc
8. Personal life; family, church/religion; politics; children; coat of arms; etc
9. Commemorations
10. Ethnographic collections; museums

Notes on this proposal:

1. This is just a suggestion, if anyone has an alternative section layout, please post it here so we can discuss.
2. These new sections will replace the existing Legacy section and its subsections. There will no longer be a section named "Legacy". But if anyone thinks keeping a section named "Legacy" is important, we can do that
3. The sequence of the sections above is not significant; they could be re-ordered
4. Some of these new sections could be arranged in a nested (hierarchical) manner, if that is better
5. No existing material is deleted
6. The existing 1st/2nd/3rd Voyage & Canada sections are not impacted.
7. The sections above do not yet have titles; titles can be created after the sections are finalized
8. It may be wise to combine some of the above sections, if they are similar (e.g. "Personal life" & "Personality/character", etc)
9. Some of the material covered by these new sections is already in the article (especially in the Legacy section - e.g. scurvy, STDs, Controversy, etc). In those situations: the existing material will simply be moved into the most relevant new section.

Thoughts?

Introduction of non-native animals and plants

• Animals
  • House Mouse (Mus musculus)
  • Norway rat - Rattus norvegicus (not black rat or ships rat)
  • European pigs (lareger than pig species already in Polynesia)
  • goats
  • cattle
  • Rabbits
  • Livestock: Horses, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs.
  • Poultry: Peacocks, turkeys, geese, and ducks.
  • Other Animals: Dogs and cats Now a martinet, he appears to vent his anger on the people of Mo`orea, rampag­ing around the island in pursuit of a stolen goat, destroying canoes, and attempting to discharge his ships’ pestilent rats onto the island. Having finally safely delivered the last of the animals, as per the king’s orders,

• Source: cite web NO GOOD .. SELF PUBLISHED

|title=Book review: Cook’s Ark: The animals that sailed with James Cook. Alison Sutherland. 2019
|url=https://www.captaincooksociety.com/remembering-cook/books/book-reviews/cook-s-ark-the-animals-that-sailed-with-james-cook-alison-sutherland-2019
|website= Captain Cook Society

• • CCS source: "Multiple livestock introductions to New Zealand and the Pacific Islands were made by Cook as gift offerings, sometimes at the request of local chiefs. In New Zealand, on occasion breeding pairs were secreted ashore by Cook (and by Furneaux), and released in remote areas in the hope they might survive the immediate attentions, and appetites, of the local people. Of these animal introductions to New Zealand only pigs, notably the ancestors of the feral “Captain Cookers” are generally considered to be descended from animals released by Cook. "
  • CCS soruce has strange comment about introducing rats into Tahiti: " Now a martinet, he appears to vent his anger on the people of Mo`orea, rampag­ing around the island in pursuit of a stolen goat, destroying canoes, and attempting to discharge his ships’ pestilent rats onto the island. Having finally safely delivered the last of the animals, as per the king’s orders,"
  • CCS source: rats from COoks ships were Norway rats, not the ship rats or black rats: "... the presumption that the common rat species on board Cook’s ships was the black rat or ship rat (Rattus rattus) when it was in fact the Norway rat (Rattus norvegicus). As the distinguished ecologist Ian Atkinson explained in 1985"

• Strange story about trying to get ship's rats to go ashore at Moorea:

"On 1st October 1777 Captain James Cook in the Resolution and Charles Clerke in the Discovery were anchored at Moorea, having arrived the day before. "The Ship being a good [deal] pestered with rats," wrote Cook "I hauled her within thirty yards of the Shore, being as near as the depth of water would allow." William Charlton, midshipman on the Resolution, "got a Hawser out of the Ballast Port with some Spars lash't upon it with a desire to get some of the Rats out of the Ship, we having a Great Number of them on board." Source: Cite web

 |url=https://www.captaincooksociety.com/cooks-voyages/third-pacific-voyage/october-december-1777 
 |title=October - December 1777 
 |website=Captain Cook Society

• • Not clear if Cook was trying to punish the Tahitians for recent theft of goats? or was he genuinely trying to reduce the rat population on the ship? The CCS has a book review that suggests it was deliberate & retaliation (https://www.captaincooksociety.com/remembering-cook/books/book-reviews/cook-s-ark-the-animals-that-sailed-with-james-cook-alison-sutherland-2019) The "Oct - Dec 1777" web page says the rat-bridge was on 1 October 177; and the goat theft was several days later, so it could not be retaliation.

• cite book

 title={Cook's Ark},
 author={Sutherland, 
 first=Alison},
 isbn={9780473493165},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=7cpFzQEACAAJ},
 year={2019},
 publisher={Alison Sutherland}

• • From CCS review of the book: Sutherland is at her enthusiastic best in her description of the rather amazing event at Ship Cove, New Zealand, during Cook’s last visit, where, rather like the Biblical Noah, Cook disembarked from Resolution a veritable herd of livestock, though probably not two-by-two. An “Ark” indeed. Horses, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, peacocks, turkeys, geese and ducks, most of which were bound for Tonga, Huahine and Tahiti, were allowed a few days on the land. She writes [begin quote] Animals too large for the men to handle in the small boats were pushed over the side. Men with prods were arranged in the water to create a channel to the beach. The terrified animals were coaxed to swim to the shore… When the saturated animals scrambled to the safety of the beach, men were positioned to herd them into purpose-built enclosures. Some like the cats, dogs and ships’ goats were free to wander amongst the tents.[end quote]"

• Introduction house mouse (Mus musculus) AND the european pig (but a smaller pig was already on islands) to HI in 1978 (but not rats) Source PhD thesis By Aaron Shiels; Univ of Hawaii 'Ecology and impacts of introduced rodents (Rattus spp. and Mus musculus) in the Hawaiian Islands', University of Hawaii at Manoa [Note the sources do not say he introduced mouse to Tahiti, cuz other Eurp explorers were there first] Cook probably also introduced that mouse to NZ, but the Pacific Rat was already there from Polynesian dissemination, hence the mouse is not widely discussed.

• Source: cit journal

 |last= King 
 |first=C.
 |title= Abundance and Dynamics of Small Mammals in New Zealand: Sequential Invasions into an Island Ecosystem Like No Other
 |journal= Life 
  |date= 2023 Jan 5
 |volume=13
 |issue=1
 |page =156
| doi= 10.3390/life13010156 
| url=https://www.mdpi.com/2075-1729/13/1/156
|access-date=4 July 2025
 

• • From King 2023: "Norway rats were the first European rodents to become established in New Zealand, scrambling ashore in the late 18th century from European and/or North American sailing ships [56]. In 1773 Cook observed them leaving the Resolution [57], and sealers and whalers frequently landed men, supplies and rats around the New Zealand coasts from 1792 to at least 1840."
  • From King 2023: Rabbit: European Rabbit, Oryctolagus cuniculus cuniculus . Arrival In early explorer days, domestic rabbits were carried alive as sources of fresh meat on ships, and were important items of trade and exchange (two pairs were gifted to local people by James Cook in 1777). "New Zealand had no people or four-footed mammals of any size until it was colonised by Polynesian voyagers and Pacific rats in c. 1280 AD. Between 1769 and 1920 AD, Europeans brought three more species of commensal rats and mice, and three predatory mustelids, plus rabbits, house cats hedgehogs and Australian brushtail possums"

Cook's own health; illnesses; 3rd voyage irritability

• Robson 2004 encyclopedia: Health topics include:
  • 17-19- Stomach illness 2nd voyage, brief
  • 72-3, p 73: 3rd voyage irritability. Says Beaglehold sayd that Cost had become more "brutal" and "irrational". Robson seems to be citing Beaglehole 1979 "The Death of James Cook".
  • 85-6; Discipline & punishment on his ships (his termperament etc)
  • 149-150; Batavia illneesses & deaths (dysentery; malaria; TB, etc)
  • 162; Canada: hand injury due to explosion
  • 176; nothing
  • 203, minor mention of 2nd voyage stomach ailment
  • 220-222 3rd voyage mental health (p 222)

• Salmond pp 280-281: 2nd voyage: September 7, 1774, HMS Resolution was anchored off an island in New Caledonia. Cook and both Forsters ate it & got sick. Poisoning from pufferfish: "Tetraodon lagocephalus scleratus, “Silverstripe blaasop,” Georg Foster, September 7, 1774, Poemanghee, New Caledonia." Cite: https://hab.whoi.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/doherty2005_captaincook.pdf It took the men 11 days for all but “trifling pains and a little weakness” to completely resolve.
  • "By now, Cook had recovered from his illness and was physically fit again, but that afternoon his clerk purchased a large puffer-fish for his supper. When he sat down with Sparrman and the Forsters that evening, the fish had not been cooked, but Cook’s servant brought in the liver and Cook told him to fry it as a delicacy. Cook ate a piece about the size of a crown, Johann ate about twice as much, George took just a little, while Sparrman refused, since he would never eat the liver of any animal. At about four o’clock the next morning, Johann woke up feeling giddy and ill, with numbed, heavy limbs, so that he could not stand or move his arms properly. He called for his servant and tried to throw up, and then woke his son and the captain, both of whom had similar symptoms of poisoning. Cook summoned Patten, the surgeon, who told them to drink warm water to make them vomit, and gave them a mix of wine, lemon juice, sugar and boiling water. They slept well after that, although when they woke they found that one of the pigs which had eaten the fish’s entrails had died, and a number of the dogs were also suffering. They still felt giddy and drowsy, and when Johann tried to do some writing, he found that he could not concentrate, and made stupid errors. They took several days to recover from this bout of fish-poisoning, which left them feeling weak and exhausted, and unable to do justice to exploring the new island. "

• 2nd voyage Constipation & gastrointestinal (begins late Dec 1773 to Feb 1774)
  • Salmond 2003: p 233-234: " [late Dec 1773] most of the food on board was rotten or tasteless, and the men had been on reduced rations for weeks. They were pale-faced and exhausted, and Cook himself had lost his appetite, and was suffering from terrible constipation... That time among the icebergs almost killed Cook. Although his illness had abated during the run south, on 23 February it took a dangerous turn for the worse, ‘to the grief of all the ship’s company’. He had been suffering acute stomach pains and constipation for weeks, which he had concealed from his shipmates, and when he finally took a purge to try and clear the intestinal obstruction, he was stricken with violent vomiting. The ship’s surgeon Mr Patten (‘a steady clever Man’, according to Elliott) ordered him to bed and treated him with ipecacuanha, camomile tea and castor oil, but this gave him an attack of hiccups which lasted for twenty-four hours, weakening him severely. Over the following days Patten nursed him devotedly, giving him repeated hot baths, opiates, and plasters on his stomach to try and relieve the obstruction, until he finally gained some relief; and by 26 February he was able to sit up in his bed and take a little nourishment. Johann Forster offered up his favourite dog, which was killed and turned into meat broth and steaks for the captain, greatly assisting his recovery. Cook commented, ‘We had no other fresh meat whatever on board and I could eat of this flesh as well as broth made of it, when I could taste nothing else, thus I received nourishment and strength from food which would have made most people in Europe sick, so true it is that necessity is govern’d by no law.’””
  • Thomas 2003 p 222: [ Feb 1774] "In late February, Cook, who had been suffering from constipation, caused by some intestinal complaint, became dangerously ill. He hiccupped uncontrollably, was unable to eat, stand or shit. Neither warm baths, nor induced vomiting, nor camomile tea, nor tobacco glysters were of any use. The surgeon Patten was dead on his feet, tending his first patient night and day. His survival was feared for, but on 27 February a crisis passed: ‘the Cap‘ is easier, having had several stools’, reported Johann Forster; though Cook was to suffer relapses and remain weak for a further month."
  • Beaglehole p 370: "... and with the great swell, he was clear that it could be at best only a small island, perhaps as probably ‘a fiction’. On the 25th he gave it up, to stretch away northwest for the next search on his list. The name of Juan Fernandez must be left to the island already familiar. He would try Easter Island. It was at this moment, or two or three days before, that Cook was taken dangerously ill. Alarm and grief were general. Cook, who passes over the matter in a short paragraph, defines his ailment as ‘the Billious colick and so Violent as to confine me to my bed’. It is not very likely that he had reckoned a failure in his health as a possible impediment to the carrying out of his great design, but it seems certain that a little more violence would have provided a very effective impediment indeed. Strong as the captain was, he had not been in unbroken good health throughout the voyage, though we must go elsewhere than his own journal to find this out: and careful as he was of his men’s physical welfare, he does not seem to have given equal care to his own. George Forster, who remarks on the captain’s indisposition at Dusky Sound in the previous May, indicates that this was not a normal rheumatism: “The Captain was taken ill of a fever and violent pain in the groin, which terminated in a rheumatic swelling of the right foot’; and as the ship was standing north, in late December, her fresh food long exhausted, he remarks that Cook ‘was pale and lean, entirely lost his appetite, and laboured under a perpetual costiveness’. Unlike the elder Forster, however, who plunged at once into the Antarctic and the most intolerable rheumatism, in January he ‘seemed to recover again as we advanced to the southward’;! now, in gentle gales and fair weather, while others began to feel the sun in joints again loosened, he collapsed. If George’s account is correct, Cook’s recipe for his own treatment was to slight the trouble, conceal it from his fellows, and almost to stop eating. When Patten the surgeon was at last allowed to take him in hand the purges and emetics, opiates and glysters, did no good; for almost twenty-four hours he was racked by a most dreadful hiccough. Finally, after some days of tension, Patten’s hot baths and stomach plasters ‘relaxed his body and intestines’, and he began to recover. To speak in modern diagnostic terms, it is likely that Cook was suffering from some acute ulceration or infection of the gall-bladder, complemented by a paralysis of the bowel—which would be quite adequate foundation for his unnatural look. Whatever the original strength of his constitution, whatever his force of mind, the student of his career may be..."

• Cold / rheumatic fever (NZ, 11 May 1773, near Dusky Sound )
  • Beaglehole p 328 " He could not go on the little expedition himself because, he explains, he was ‘confined on board by a Cold’. It is not surprising that he had a cold, after the previous five weeks’ experiences; but balancing Forster’s possible over-statement against Cook’s under-statement, it is likely that he had more than a cold. The Forster version is ‘a fever and violent pain in the groin, which terminated in a rheumatic swelling of the right foot, contracted probably by wading too frequently in the water, and sitting too long in the boat after it, without changing his cloaths’.1 Cook, one is to remember, was now in his mid-forties, and may well have been fighting off, by denial, some rheumatic fever. It was one thing, on the day when he admits his cold,..."

• Hand Injury
  • Thomas P 391 - Cook shows scar to indigenous to prove he is a warrior
  • Thomas p 401 - scar used to identify remains when H returned them to ship
  • Collingridge p 86: injury in 6 August 1764 (in Canada) " Quite what Cook was doing with a Large Powder Horn is not clear, though it was most likely for defence against rogue Indians or Frenchmen, or to signal the boats working just offshore. More important was what it meant: Cook was now without the use of his critical right hand which had been ripped open from his thumb down to his wrist. The gash took over a month to heal, during which time he could do little if any surveying. He was lucky to be left with just a scar and not more permanent damage. Fifteen years down the line the injury would take a more macabre significance. It was this scar that helped to identify his hacked-up body on a black, volcanic beach in the Pacific."

• 3rd voyage mental health & irritability
  • Salmond p 430-431 Trade; 3rd voyage irritability; diplomacy "Success in exchange meant revenge for insults, however, as well as generous gifting. As Cook said of Totara-nui Maori in 1775: ‘I have allways found them of a Brave, Noble, Open and benevolent disposition, but they are a people that will never put up with an insult if they have an oppertunity to resent it.’ During his first two voyages to the Pacific, Cook had often spoken of Tahitians or Maori as his ‘friends’, and advocated ‘Strict honisty and gentle treatment’. After his experiences at Totara-nui, [aka Poverty Bay near the Tūranganui ... where C first encountered Maori and deaths resulted] however, he began to lose his faith in the power of reason. Maori had killed and eaten his men, and then deceived him about what had happened. Cook became increasingly cynical, and prone to violent outbursts of anger. He was now known as ‘Toote’ on board his ships, a passionate, unpredictable character."
  • WIlliams: p 159 Irritability: talking about Beagleholes writings: " Beaglehole rather emphasised the practical problems of a commander who at times seemed near the end of his tether, distracted and infuriated by the setbacks of the voyage, and above all by the incessant stealing in the islands. His thesis is clear. Cook started the voyage a tired man, and the further strains of the voyage blunted his reactions, until on 14 February 1779 with ‘his patience tried beyond its limit’, he acted with far less than his usual judgement of situations. ‘At the fatal moment,’ Beaglehole wrote, ‘the strained cord snapped.’"
  • THomas p 376: v3 Cook's irrationality: "Cook’s third voyage has often been seen as one marked by the growing, indeed the enveloping fatigue of the great navigator. It is supposed that Cook suffered lapses in his abilities, curiosity and decisiveness; more antagonistic commentators claim that he became detached, irrational, and violent. It is not hard to understand why the tale has been told in these terms: we like it when a great character’s life exhibits a rise and fall, and may perhaps be seduced by the notion that a colonizer might collapse, like Conrad’s Kurtz, into some black hole of his own evil. But Cook’s voyages do not exhibit any such trend. Some of the worst violence occurred in New Zealand as early as 1769, when the man was supposedly saner.
  • Beaglehole 1974 pp 711-712 Irritability 3rd voyage: " The strains of the voyage were wearing and worrying, a continuation of the strains of two other voyages. A tired man, fundamentally, the commander must have been. Continued responsibility for his own men, continued wrestling with geographical, nautical and human emergencies might, had his physical and mental constitution been less powerful, have made him go limp. He did not do so, but the inner tensions of an able mind were set up, and exacerbated. To that sort of tiredness add the effect of the violent illness from which he had suffered on the second voyage, the ‘indispositions’ to which he was subject on this third voyage. We have a man tired, not physically in any observable way, but with that almost imperceptible blunting of the brain that makes him, under a light searching enough, a perceptibly different man. His apprehensions as a discoverer were not so constantly fine as they had been; his understanding of other minds was not so ready or sympathetic. He ‘flared up’ like a man with a stomach ulcer. That is not to say that an ulcer is necessarily the answer to our problem."
  • Existing text in article Cook became increasingly tired, harsh and volatile during his final voyage. Tensions between Cook and his crew increased, his reprisals against crew members and indigenous people were more severe, and some officers began to question his judgement.

Contemporary (1700s) perceptions of Cook by indigenous; friend, invader, ancestral chief; god

• TO DO: research possible status of C as ariki (a member of a hereditary chiefly or noble rank in Polynesia), or atua (akua in HI) are the gods and spirits of the Polynesian people such as the Māori or the Hawaiians (see also Kupua). The literal meaning of the Polynesian word is "power" or "strength" and so the concept is similar to that of mana.

• Williams god/chief aspect of Cook
  • Williams p 109 "Throughout Polynesia a high chief’s status stemmed from his ancestors, who in ages past had come from distant lands. When Cook’s ships arrived at places unvisited by Europeans, the great vessels with their tree-like masts were often assumed to be the marvellous floating islands that prophecy said would one day come from the far-off homeland. Their commanders were atua or akua, supernatural beings, and as such were greeted by the priests with ritual offerings, while the attendant crews were tupua or goblins. Elsewhere in the Pacific there might"
  • Williams p 119 "With its suggestion of the mingling of the religious and the secular this was as near to the complicated reality of the Hawaiian situation as any outsider got for many years. Even today, scholars differ in emphasis on the Lono issue, and in particular — to putit at its simplest — whether Cook was being given the status of a high chief or that of a god (akua). In 1779 Cook’s men had no idea that there was a sacred yearly cycle in Hawai'i in which Ku the god of war dominated one season before giving way to Lono, god of peace and fertility, in the other; and that Cook had arrived in Lono’s time bearing what Hawaiians recognised as his insignia. On one side Cook was concerned with refitting and replenishing his"
  • Williams p 123 "In New Zealand there is an account by Horeta Te Taniwha of the arrival of the Endeavour at Whitianga on the North Island in November 1769. Te Taniwha was a small boy at the time, but listened as the old men said that the ship ‘was an atua, a god, and the people on board were tupua, strange people or goblins’, who clearly had eyes in the back of their heads since they rowed their boats with their backs to the bows. "
  • Williams p 125 ". In both incidents there was a build-up of tension following the taking of local resources without consent and the violation of tabu by the newcomers, set against increasing challenges and widespread ‘pilfering’ by the local inhabitants. Maori ceased to treat the strangers as supernatural beings, for if any confirmation was needed that the newcomers were not atua or gods, the ease with which they were killed seemed ample proof. But the impact of Grass Cove went further than this. Both Maori and his own crew were puzzled by Cook’s decision when he revisited Dusky Sound on his third voyage not to use his superior weaponry to punish the perpetrators. He even allowed Kahura, leader of the attackers in 1773, on the Resolution, where Webber drew his portrait, and took on board two young Maori as crew members. While the crew gave vent to their anger by putting on trial and executing a ‘cannibal dog’, puzzled Maori, in Burney’s words,"
  • WIlliams p 162 "Away from the bad-tempered wrestling match between the two anthropologists, a strenuous debate opened among Pacific scholars. Much attention focused on the cultural and linguistic problems involved in the crude translation of the Hawaiian akua or Tahitian atua as ‘god’ ina Judaic/Christian sense. Greg Dening pointed out that in Polynesia akua/atua could refer to wooden statues, birds, sharks, chiefs and sorcerers. To incorporate a powerful visitor into this pantheon would not be surprising, and there are parallels elsewhere in the Pacific, especially in Melanesia. It could be seen as cultural appropriation on Polynesian terms."

• Salmond god/chief aspect of Cook
  • Salmond p xxiii "It would be easy but wrong to describe Cook’s behaviour during the last voyage as imperialist brutality, however. The impact of Polynesia had played its part in his transformation. In various island groups, Cook was granted the status of an ariki [high chief], and like a high chief, he came to treasure his mana [prestige and power]. As one of his men put it, ‘[he] was born to deal with savages and he was never happier than in association with them."
  • p 237 " Walking around the volcano to the south-east coast they came to three ruined stone platforms, each of which had formerly held four tall idols, some of which lay toppled and broken around them. The people told them that each of these statues, which they called ariki or ‘high chiefs’, had a name, so presumably they represented former leaders of the island. F
  • p 393 "Over the past ten years he had exchanged gifts, including his own clothing, and sometimes his name, with a series of Polynesian leaders. In the course of these exchanges, according to Pacific understandings, something of the life force of those people had entered his being. Such relationships, especially between ariki, were often turbulent and dangerous. When high chiefs came together, their ancestor gods also met. Ariki were the living representatives of the gods, and imbued with their power. A man caught between two sets of gods was ‘two-sided’, and could be torn in contradictory directions."
  • p 402 " After gazing about for a while, the old man took off his red feather cloak and wrapped it around Captain Cook’s shoulders. He put his own feathered helmet on his head and gave him a feathered whisk, the insignia of a great ali‘i (ariki, or high chief). Five or six more feather cloaks were piled at his feet, and four large pigs; and then the two men exchanged names. Henceforward, Kalani‘opu‘u was called ‘Kuki’, and Cook was called ‘Kalani‘opu‘u’."
  • p 116 "The next day Cook brought a large armed party back to the east bank, where Te Maro’s body was still lying. It was so steeped in sacred power that no one dared to go near it, for his compatriots were not certain whether he had been killed by humans or atua (ancestral beings). As Cook, Banks and Tupaia approached the river’s edge, a large party of warriors rose up from the western bank, performing a ferocious haka (war-dance). "
  • p 131 in NZ "According to Horeta, his people were astonished by the Europeans, concluding that they were tupua or ‘goblins’ rather than human beings: In the days long past, ... we ediae Whitianga, and a vessel came there, and when our old men saw the ship they said it was an atua, a god, and the people on board were tupua, strange beings or ‘goblins’. The ship came to anchor, and the boats pulled on shore. As our old men looked at the manner in which they came on shore, the rowers pulling with their backs to the bows of the boat, the old people said, ‘Yes, it is so: these people are goblins; their eyes are at the back of their heads; they pull on shore with their backs to the land to which they are going.’ "
  • p 204 "At the water’s edge, five young plantain trees were brought out — the first, with a pig, for the Ari‘ or high chief [Captain Cook]; the second, with another pig, for the Atua [god] of the Europeans; the third as a sign of welcome; the fourth, with a dog, to represent the taura or rope which bound them together; and the fifth, with a pig, for Ori’s taio, Captain Cook."
  • p 426 " The vessels were understood as floating islands, whose arrival had been foretold in prophecies and visions. Their leaders, like the high chiefs, were assumed to be atua or akua, beings with superhuman abilities. Time and again the priests came out to greet the Europeans with chants and ritual offerings, and led them to shrines to meet loeal ancestors. Aristocratic chiefs became their exchange partners, offering pigs, dogs, vegetables and sexual hospitality in return for iron, red and white cloth, tools and trinkets. And when Captain Cook became ceremonial friends with a paramount chief — as he did with Tu in Tahiti, and Kalani‘opu‘u in Hawai‘i, exchanging ritual regalia, including cloaks, helmets and swords, and even names, he became linked with the most senior genealogical lines, and the ancestor gods of the islands.
  • p 429 "As in Hawai‘i, Cook had become an atua in a Polynesian pantheon, greeted with incantations and offerings. Eventually, however, his portrait was lost, and the rituals ceased. Again, his posthumous reputation shifted with the vagaries of imperial history. When Tahiti became a colony of France, much of its British history was forgotten. Like ancestors throughout the Polynesian"
  • p 390 "s it happened, on this occasion Cook had arrived in the Hawai‘ian islands early in the Makahiki, a ritual cycle which celebrated the return of the akua [ancestor god] Lono. A few days earlier the Pleiades had appeared on the horizon at sunset, the signal that Lono would soon appear;'° and fishing from the sea had been banned, explaining why after their first arrival off Hawai‘i, no fish were brought out until five weeks later.!! Although this identification of Cook with Lono has been hotly contested,'* the weight of
  • p 398 "Although a huge crowd gathered to watch the sailors erect the tents, not one Hawai‘ian entered the kapu (or tapu) zone. The men who were posted at the shore camp found this extremely frustrating, because despite all their pleas, none of their sweethearts would visit them there, saying that the akua [gods] and their high chief, Kalani‘- opu‘u, would kill them if they broke the kapu. That night, however, some of the officers sneaked out of the camp to meet local women, and when the"
  • p 401-402 "As Rickman remarked soberly, ‘There are [those] who have blamed Capt. Cook for his severity to the Indians; but it was not to the Indians alone that he was severe in his discipline. He never suffered any fault in his own people, tho’ ever so trivial, to escape unpunished: If they were charged with insulting an Indian, or injuring him in his property, if the fact was proved, the offender was surely punished in sight of the Indians. By this impartial distribution of equal justice, the Indians themselves conceived so high an idea of his wisdom, and his power too, that they paid him the honours as they did their Et-hu-a [akua], or good spirit.”
  • p 402-403 "extraordinary veneration, and spoken of as akua or ancestor deities.» By exchanging names with Kalani‘opu‘u, Cook had thus acquired part of his mana, or power. From that time on, his men noted, they showed an ‘uncommon attachment’ for each other. It is notable that like Cook, this sacred high chief carried the title of Lono Lahi and was honoured with the rituals of extreme veneration. As Samwell noted, “The Title of Orono which is esteemed sacred among them belongs only to Kariopoo [Kalani‘opu‘u] & his Family; the common people always prostrate themselves before Kariopoo and other Chiefs of the first rank.’*”"
  • p 403 "In recent debates over Cook’s death, it has been argued that the Hawai‘ians honoured Cook as a high chief, not a god or akua, but this is based on a misunderstanding. In Hawai‘i the sacred high chiefs (of whom Kalani‘opu‘u was one) were also regarded as akua. And while it has been claimed that at this stage in the Makahiki cycle, Kalani‘opu‘u, representing the god Ku, was encompassing the powers of the god Lono,” this seems too simple. Kalani‘opu‘u as well as Cook was addressed as Lono; with the exchange of names, their life forces were mingled. It appears that Lono was a family title, for when Kalani‘opu‘u’s father was born during the Makahiki time, his mother Lono-ma-‘I-kanaka had named him ‘Lono-i-ka-Makahiki’, and the great name chant, the Kumulipo, was composed in his honour."

• Thomas god/chief aspect of Cook
  • Thomas p 384: "Here, although the advent of the British and the conventional Makahiki corresponded approximately rather than absolutely, the Hawaiians were prompted to receive the pre-eminent man among these visitors as an incarnation of Lono. The nature of this identification has been much debated and much misunderstood. Cook was not taken to be a god, not if a god is a supreme being, of a supernatural or transcendental nature, categorically distinct from any humans. Polynesians recognized no such gulf between the beings they called atua or in Hawaii akua and living men and women. Gods themselves had varied natures, ranging from the abstract and elemental, in the case of the original creatorbeings, to the essentially human and historical, in that of deified ancestors of chiefs. But divinity and humanity always shaded together. From the perspective of a common person, a chief was so superior as to be divine, and certain priests were not just representatives of gods but embodiments of them, they were living atua, some sometimes, some all the time. Hence it is neither impossible nor even unexpected that Cook should be seen as a god in this sense, as a new incarnation of Lono, just as Kalani’opu’u was in his way a personification of ..."
  • Thomas p 443 "Obeyesekere’s book was engaging, and was written with much verve; but it attracted more praise than it deserved, and anyone who took the trouble to read it in parallel with its sources became increasingly dismayed by a cavalier historical method. Much of the polemic moreover responds to a mistranslation or non-problem, in the sense that the proposition that is offensive to Obeyesekere, and implausible for many others, is that Cook was taken to be ‘a god’ — a European category that only roughly corresponds with Polynesian akua. For Polynesians, divinity was manifest in a variety of living things and people as well as in supreme deities; for them there was therefore nothing exceptional or outrageous in the identification of a priest, a chief or a powerful foreigner such as Cook with Lono or Ku."

• Article could probably use a bit more detail on the "God or not" controversy: Sahlins vs Obeyesekere, Gananath. Or maybe not.
  • Already has some discussion in the #Return to Hawaii section ... so maybe should not be duplicated in a "perception" section?

• Existing article text re 3rd voyage in Hawaii:
  • Cook returned to Hawaii in late November 1778. The ships sailed throughout the archipelago for eight weeks, surveying and trading. After stops in Maui and Kauai, Cook made landfall at Kealakekua Bay on Hawaiʻi Island, the largest island in the Hawaiian archipelago. On Hawaiʻi Island, Cook met with the Hawaiian king Kalaniʻōpuʻu, who treated Cook with respect, and invited him to participate in several ceremonies. The king and Cook exchanged gifts and names, and the king presented Cook with a feathered cloak. Several members of the expedition speculated that the Hawaiians thought Cook was a deity. Later scholars confirmed the suspicions, and concluded that the Hawaiians thought Cook was the Polynesian god Lono. Cook's arrival coincided with the Makahiki, a Hawaiian harvest festival of worship for Lono. Some scholars believe that the form of HMS Resolution – specifically, the mast formation, sails and rigging – resembled certain significant artefacts that formed part of the season of worship.

Modern views of Cook by indigenous; invader, STD introduction; controversy; symbol of imperialism & colonialism

Modern perceptions: some sources

• Carlson, B., & Farrelly, T. (2022). Monumental upheavals: Unsettled fates of the Captain Cook statue and other colonial monuments in Australia. Thesis Eleven, 169(1), 62-81. https://doi.org/10.1177/07255136211069416 [May not be sufficiently scholarly]

• Denoon, Donald (1995). "Settler Capitalism Unsettled". New Zealand Journal of History. 29 (2): 129-141.

• Hanlon, David (June 1994). "On the Practical, Pragmatic, and Political Interpretations of a Death in the Pacific". Pacific Studies. 17 (2): 103=111. Retrieved 4 July 2025.

• Healy, Chris (2000). "Captain Cook: between black and white". In Kleinert, Sylvia (ed.). The Oxford Companion to Aboriginal Art and Culture. pp. 92–96. Retrieved 4 July 2025.

• Kame’eleihiwa, Lilikala (June 1994). "Review of The Apotheosis of Captain Cook by Gananath Obeyesekere". Pacific Studies. 17 (2): 111–118. Retrieved 4 July 2025.

• Robson 2004 p 123

• Salmond 2003 p 428

• Thomas 2003 pp xxxi, xxxii

• Trask, Haunani-Kay (1983). "Cultures in Collision: Hawai'i and England, 1778". Pacific Studies. 7: 91–117.

• Williams 2008 pp 4, 143-145, 148-153, 171-173

• Some sources that discuss views of Indigenous are listed by Thomas on p 431 in his "Sources" section:
  • H. J. Wedge, Wiradjuri Spirit Man (Sydney, 1996), [Cannot find online]
  • Penny McDonald (producer/director), Too Many Captain Cooks (Ronin Films, Canberra, 1998),
  • Deborah Bird Rose, Dingo Makes Us Human (Cambridge, 1992), [Cannot find online]
  • ***DONE*** [see below] Chris Healy, ‘Captain Cook: between black and white’, in Sylvia Kleinert and Margo Neale (eds.) The Oxford Companion to Aboriginal Art and Culture (Melbourne, 2000), 92-6. https://archive.org/details/isbn_0195506499
  • Not all views are negative: for example,
  • Koori: A Will to Win (Sydney, 1985), James Miller juxtaposed Cook’s idealization of Aboriginal society to the racism of the settlers who came later (20-22). [Cannot find online]
  • ***DONE*** [see below] The Hawaiian scholar Haunani-Kay Trask has written on ‘Cultures in Collision: Hawai’i and England, 1778’ in Pacific Studies 7 (1983), 91-117;
  • ***DONE*** [see below]for a more trenchant critique, see Lilikala Kame’eleihiwa, ‘Review of The Apotheosis of Captain Cook by Gananath Obeyesekere’, Pacific Studies 17 (1994), 111-18. [request made at WP:RX]
  • Herb Kawainui Kane, Voyagers (Washington, 1991) is on the other hand sympathetic to Cook; see also his ‘The Other Attack on Captain Cook’, Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 2 October 1999, which argues that Hawaiian perceptions have been enduringly influenced by antiCook propaganda produced by nineteenth-century missionaries;
  • more on HI missionaries: J. F. G. Stokes, ‘Origins of the Condemnation of Captain Cook in Hawaii’, Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society for 1930, is interesting. [Not needed: already have Salmond p 428]

MOdern perceptions part 2

• Source cite journal

|last=  Kame’eleihiwa
|first=  Lilikala 
|author-link =Lilikalā Kameʻeleihiwa
|date=  June 1994
|title = Review of The Apotheosis of Captain Cook by Gananath Obeyesekere
|journal= Pacific Studies 
|volume=17
| issue= 2 
|pages=111-118
|url=https://archive.org/details/pacificstudiesjun9400poly/page/110/mode/2up
|access-date= 4 July 2025

• • This 1994 Kame source "The noted Hawaiian scholar Haunani-Kay Trask often dismisses Cook as "a syphilitic, tubercular racist,"" [I cannot find a source by Trask where Trask said that] .. .but it is also quoted in Thomas p xxxii

• Source cite journal

|last=  Hanlon
|first=  David
|date=  June 1994
|title = On the Practical, Pragmatic, and Political Interpretations of a Death in the Pacific
|journal= Pacific Studies 
|volume=17
| issue= 2  
|pages=103=111
|url=https://archive.org/details/pacificstudiesjun9400poly/page/102/mode/2up
|access-date= 4 July 2025

• Cite journal:

|last =Denoon
|first= Donald
|title=Settler Capitalism Unsettled
|journal= New Zealand Journal of History
|volume=29 
|issue= 2
|year=1995 
|pages= 129-141.
|url=   https://muse.jhu.edu/article/872931 

• Trask 1983 : cite journal

|ref=none 
|last= Trask 
|first=   Haunani-Kay 
|author-link = Haunani-Kay Trask
|date= 1983
|title = Cultures in Collision: Hawai’i and England, 1778
|journal= Pacific Studies 
|volume=7
 |pages=91-117

• • This is online via some strange Google/BYU url ... but that URL is not suitable for the cite

• • Trask 1983: Haunani-Kay Trask " It has often been remarked that Captain Cook brought to Hawai‘i something the Hawaiians had never before seen. Iron. But that was not all he brought. He brought vermin that would in time infest the environment. And he brought disease that would torture and destroy the people. But he also brought, in himself and the minds of his men, a view of the world that could not co-exist with that of the people who would welcome him as their guest. He brought capitalism, he brought Western political ideas, and he brought Christianity. .
  • Trask: "1. Economics. In capitalism Cook brought with him (in what one

economist has called a “minimal structural definition”) an economic sys- tem that places the means of production in the hands of private individ- uals and firms.

• • Trask: "2. Leadership and social organization. In England, where Cook and

his men came from, there was a king.

• • Trask: "3. Cultural integration and social change. Finally, there was Christi-

anity, t'he belief system ...

• • Trask: .... Hawaiian society had been a classic example ‘of what anthropologist

Marshall Sahlins has called “the original affluent society.” Long, slow centuries of cultural evolution had produced a society with “an unparalleled material plenty” without the endless work necessary to close what in modem society is the never-ending gap between means and desires. Unto itself, such a social order was strong and resilient. It was a unified, integrated, and communal society that had drawn together as if in a fine web the multiple layers of human and natural and supernatural existence. But like many complex and finely-tuned institutions, this kind of world was vulnerable to gross and barbaric assault. Eighteenth-century England was the opposite of an affluent society, if we accept Sahlins’ definition of an affluent society as one “in which all the people’s material wants are easily satisfied.”65 It was a society of great economic disparity, a society on the brink of modem capitalism’s en- shrinement of artificial need fulfillment as the measure of success. It was a driven society that left in its wake enormous amounts of human flotsam as the price of “progress” for a privileged few. It was a rapacious society, at the time deeply involved in the African slave trade, that segregated the Editor’s Forum 113 human and natural and supernatural orders. In the words of political the- orist C. B. MacPherson, eighteenth-century English society was character- ized by “possessive individualism”and was beginning to fetishize and ob- jectify that idea.66 The Hawaiians were to be among its victims. Without the ravages of disease from Western voyagers, the post- contact history of Hawai‘i might have been different. We shall never know. Disease has always been the Europeans’ first friend in his coloniz- ing efforts, his most valuable weapon in breaking the back of the in- digenous society he has chosen to invade.67 But more than disease, the West brought to Hawai‘i--as to the rest of the Pacific--an amoral and opportunistic self-righteousness that preyed on the weakened survivors of the bacteriological assault. Hawai‘i was to be- come a client state of the West. Toward that end it was necessary for the West to remake Hawaiian society in its own image. Thus the English helped generously in the creation of a Hawaiian royalty that could be dominated, manipulated, and controlled"

• cite book

 |first=Chris 
 |last=Healy
 |chapter=Captain Cook: between black and white
 |title=   The Oxford Companion to Aboriginal Art and Culture
 |editor-first= Sylvia
 | editor-last= Kleinert 
 | year= 2000
 |pages= 92-96

• • Healy 2000: "For a long time Aboriginal history in Australia was an impossibility. Aborigines were allowed to have myths, for myth is one of the markers of the primitive, but they had no history. True knowledge of the past was knowledge of White Australia reserved for white Australians. Now this is changing. There has been a huge expansion in the range of texts produced by Aboriginal people: histories [see life stories], Aboriginal language publishing ventures, fiction, critical writing, radio, television, video, drama [see 16.1], and a great deal more. One effect of this cultural production by and about Aborigines is that a number of Aboriginal narratives of Captain Cook [see 4.3; 46, 47, 172] have appeared in writing, painting, film [see 13.1], and oral testimony. Captain Cook is a name common to Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal histories. He has been celebrated by white Australians as foundational. Australia becomes historical only when Cook inscribes the continent within the known world of Europe. His name provides an answer to the question: ‘Where have “we” come from?’?—Australia makes an appearance within Western culture when it is discovered. Though Cook did not bring Aboriginal people into history, his name has also been used by Aboriginal people as a means of accounting for certain kinds of change and as a metaphor for ethical dilemmas. In these ways Cook can be considered as a term which creates a possibility of dialogue between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal ways of making histories. Indigenous histories of Captain Cook have been publicly circulated as oral history, myth, and legend and have come from south-eastern Australia, and the north and far west of the continent. Roland Robinson relays Percy Mumbulla’s story of Captain Cook on the south coast of New South Wales:.... [small story omitted] ... Percy Mumbulla’s very concise rendering of ‘Captain Cook’ includes a number of structural characteristics used in many Aboriginal histories of Cook. One problem for those immersed in European histories is that Mumbulla’s history of Cook does not rely on the evidential systems which written European history has used since it began borrowing citation methods from jurists and priests in the sixteenth century. These other histories are born as tradition, not built up from Western source materials; Percy Mumbulla himself is source, document, and validation. The proof of the story, its regime of truth, is very precisely in its telling, its performance, and its lineage. ... Many Aboriginal histories of Cook, including those of non-coastal people, introduce Cook as he arrives from the sea. Cook must come from the sea because he is always and everywhere a disruption to order and life. He cannot come from the land because land is the source of all order. In some Aboriginal histories the beach is a place of exchange: of useful goods, axes, and cloth, or of food which is memorable for its strangeness, or of information. But the exchanges are an ominous sign because, whatever their material substance, they are initiated by Cook. Yet Cook is always outside of culture: he cannot make a valid exchange, only one riddled with confusion or transgression. In European history the act of distributing trinkets on the beach is the classical index of an explorer’s good intentions and kindness, but the response to such gift giving was often unexpected, as Captain Cook recorded in his journals. Mumbulla’s history of Cook makes it absolutely clear that exchange was impossible in the absence of ashared framework. The exchange is explicitly rejected because the goods themselves are without value; the sea biscuits are ‘terrible hard’, a promise without nourishment. The goods are also rejected by ‘wild Kurris’ who refuse the garb of civility and consign the invaders to the sea. Cook, a figure from beyond culture, is rejected by Kooris who have the law because they come from the land. There are other Aboriginal histories of Cook which might appear to a European historical sensibility as a real and recognisable history; with a little change of the language they present a very solid account of ‘the other side of the frontier—to use Henry Reynolds’ phrase. In this sense, the narrative of Hobbles Danayari—a Yarralin man from the Victoria River district (NT)—could be understood as a grand history of ‘race relations’ in post-1770 Australia. ... [short story omitted] ... Hobbles Danayari’s story explains a historical process that began with Europeans colonising pockets of the east coast and making their way around the continent. Eventually Europeans came to the Victoria River district during the 1880s and killed as many Aboriginal people as was necessary to establish a base for pastoral operations. Europeans continued to kill Aborigines when they presented a threat. At the same time young men and women were captured and put to work on the stations. The confinement lasted until armed resistance was defeated, dependency was secured, and Aborigines were integrated into the cattle industry. Despite these regimes, secular and sacred knowledge was not extinguished but was continually refurbished during the wet seasons when work came to a halt. The saga concludes with a statement of the results of this history; it also affirms the continuity and vitality of Yarralin culture. These accounts provide a powerful sense of the limits of non-Aboriginal social memory, a sense that the historical imagination of European modernity which we all inherit (although in distinctive ways) is not the only valid way of understanding the past. Aboriginal narratives are a contribution to historical understanding because they explore the fissures and absences in the European systems of history. They do not rely on the convention that history should imitate ‘the historical process’ but perform histories in ways which foreground social memory as appropriations of the past in the present. Aboriginal histories of Cook interpret the past as forms of analogies and structural correspondences with the hopes and tribulations of the present. These histories refuse to make categorical distinctions between the past and the present, explicitly speaking the affective and symbolic dimensions of history, and acknowledging the audience of the present. In these histories we hear a whole range of alternative forms and plots which handle time space differently, experiment with identity differently, juggle continuity and discontinuity differently, and take as their structures not progress or heroism but morality, protocols, culture, land, and law. These histories remember Captain Cook as posing a continuing problem for Black and White Australia, how to both acknowledge and rewrite the plot of ongoing colonisation. "

• Bronwyn Carlson - "Monumental Upheavals: Unsettled Fates of the Captain Cook Statue and Other Colonial Monuments in Australia"
  • HOWEVER: this author has fallen into disrepute: she claimed to be part aboriginal; but has been proven to not be. So very iffy
  • Atuhor is prof in college in Sydney: https://researchers.mq.edu.au/en/persons/bronwyn-carlson
  • This is a very detailed & well done article on Cook statue(s) in Australia; lots of good cites. Fair & objective.
  • in journal Thesis Eleven Thesis Eleven: Critical Theory and Historical Sociology is a peer-reviewed academic journal that publishes six issues a year in the field of sociology. It has been in publication since 1980 and is currently published by SAGE Publications.[1]
  • URL https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/07255136211069416
  • Authors: Bronwyn Carlson, Terri Farrelly
  • CITE Carlson, B., & Farrelly, T. (2022). Monumental upheavals: Unsettled fates of the Captain Cook statue and other colonial monuments in Australia. Thesis Eleven, 169(1), 62-81. https://doi.org/10.1177/07255136211069416 (Original work published 2022)

• Arama Rata - "Dismantling Cook’s Legacy: Science, Migration, and Colonialism in Aotearoa"
  • A rather forceful polemic by a Maori from NZ; not sure if peer reviewed?

• Salmond p 428: HI missionary propaganda: In the 1800s, missionaries in Hawaii sought to undermine Cook's reputation by blaming him for the initial introduction of STDs to the islands.

• Thomas p xxxii "This enthusiasm [that whites show for Cook] is not shared by many Pacific Islanders. Hawaiian nationalists, in particular, have been categorical in their condemnation of the navigator. In Hawaii, it is widely believed that Cook personally introduced the venereal disease that later had a devastating effect on the indigenous population. Cook is accordingly described as a ‘syphilitic racist’ by HaunaniKay Trask, an influential activist and one of a group of native scholars who have documented the tragedy of contact and dispossession that Cook inaugurated. In Australia, Aboriginal people are equally negative. In many parts of the country, Cook traditions evoke a ruthlessly violent figure who goes from place to place shooting indiscriminately, never asking permission to venture into people’s territory, acting with peremptory cruelty with the aim of taking the land. The title of a painting by the Arnhem Land artist Paddy Wainburranga, Too Many Captain Cooks, sums up their attitude. This grass-roots anti-colonialism has a scholarly counterpart in recent writing that ranges from theoretical inquiry into the ways Cook took possession of places, by mapping and naming them, to more straightforward denunciation of his violence."

• Text from June 2025 draft:
  • The perception of Cook varied widely over the places he visited. In some places, he was venerated as an ancestral chief. Cook Islands, which became an independent nation in 1965, considered changing the name of their country, but ultimately decided to retain its current name.
  • The Māori of New Zealand generally consider Cook a hostile, invader, and – during the celebration of the bicentenary of Cook's voyages – demanded an acknowledgement of the Māori Cook's crew had killed. Many Hawaiians condemn Cook's impact on their culture, and blame him for introducing STDs to their islands. The opinions of Hawaiians may have been influenced in the 1800s by American missionaries in Hawaii, who attempted to induce dislike of Britain by promulgating falsehoods about Cook, such that he intentionally decimated the Hawaiians and wantonly fired ship's guns into crowds.
  • Many Australian Aborigines view Cook negatively, viewing him as responsible for violence and subsequent colonization. Cook is included in stories and legends even in parts of Australia far from where he landed. Some Nuu-chah-nulth people in British Columbia view Cook as an invader who took provisions without compensating the local people.

• Williams p 158 : Efforts in Australia to make commemorations more inclusive & objective: "The completion at Fremantle in 1994 of a full-size replica of the Endeavour and the vessel’s subsequent cruises around the coasts of Australia and New Zealand (before venturing further afield) brought fears of demonstrations. In the event, protests were muted, and the replica’s visit to Turanganui (Poverty Bay), where a Maori chief had been shot dead by Cook’s men in 1769, passed without violence except to a statue of Cook. There, as elsewhere, Maori representatives complained that ‘when a Maori event was celebrated it was not accorded the same level of publicity as Pakeha [white] celebrations, leaving the public with only one side of the story’. This theme was taken up by others involved with the replica’s visit, who urged that it should be treated as an occasion for reconciliation rather than confrontation. At a service at Anaura Bay in January 1996, Anne Salmond pointed out that meetings between the Endeavour’s crew and Maori at Anaura and Uawa had been ‘peaceful and untroubled’. In efforts to respect sensitivities there has been some restoration of Maori place-names, and when in 1997 stamps were issued to commemorate six navigators important in the country’s early history a careful balance was struck: two Polynesian names, two French, one Dutch, and one British (Cook, of course). At Ship Cove (Meretoto) the Cook monument, gleaming white in its new paint, is now set against Maori carved posts, with a symbolic bridge linking the two cultures."

• Existing Text in "Controversy" section of article:
  • Cook is a controversial figure due several violent encounters with indigenous peoples, and allegations that he facilitated British colonialism. Cook and his crew killed an estimated 45 indigenous people during the three voyages, including nine Māori and thirty Hawaiians.
  • Scholars continue to debate the extent to which Cook can be held responsible for the subsequent European colonisation of the Pacific. A number of commentators argue that Cook enabled British imperialism and colonialism in the Pacific. Some historians note that the Admiralty's instructions to Cook for his first voyage directed him to seek the consent of indigenous peoples before claiming territory on behalf of Britain. However, Cook did not always obtain informed consent.
  • The historian Robert Tombs defends Cook against accusations that he initiated British imperialism in the Pacific, arguing that European influence in the region was inevitable, and that Cook was more humane and enlightened than most of his contemporaries. Tombs states that blaming Cook for 21st century racism and inequities is facile and avoids addressing the underlying social issues.
  • The period 2018 to 2021 marked the 250th anniversary of Cook's first voyage of exploration. Several countries, including Australia and New Zealand, arranged official events to commemorate the voyage, leading to widespread public debate about Cook's legacy and the violence associated with his contacts with indigenous peoples. In the lead-up to the commemorations, various memorials to Cook in Australia and New Zealand were vandalised, and there were public calls for their removal or modification due to their alleged promotion of colonialist narratives. Attacks on public monuments to Cook have occurred in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Hawaii.
  • Indigenous people have campaigned for the return of indigenous artefacts taken during Cook's voyages. The art historian Alice Proctor argues that the controversies over public representations of Cook and the display of indigenous artefacts from his voyages are part of a broader debate over resistance to colonialist narratives and the decolonisation of museums and public spaces.

Takings w/o compenstation by COoks crew; Crew harming indigenous

• Misunderstandings about lumber/fish/game - taking without paying when it was customary to share common resources

• Williams p 125 . "In both incidents there was a build-up of tension following the taking of local resources without consent and the violation of tabu by the newcomers,

• Salmond p 78: [1st Voyage Tahiti; building fort for transit of Venus] "While Cook and Banks were furious about these thefts, the British and the islanders had very different ideas about ‘property’. Although Cook’s men were protective of their own possessions, they frequently took Tahitian property without permission, cutting down their trees, taking fruit and fishing in their lagoons. In addition, they often failed to make an adequate return for gifts and hospitality. As the Bounty mutineer James Morrison observed in 1792, in Tahiti, such stinginess invited retribution: .. "
  • NOte there are two distict point in Salmond: (a) took Tahitian property without permission; and (b) failed to make an adequate return for gifts and hospitality.

• Salmond p 405-406 v3 Hawaii: "As tensions grew between the sailors and the Hawai‘ians, Cook prepared to leave the island. He sent some of his officers to explore the interior, and ordered the crew to collect loads of firewood. When they reported that no dry wood was readily available, on 1 February Lieutenant King asked permission for the sailors to demolish the fence around Hikiau heiau. According to King, this permission was granted, although when the men unceremoniously grabbed the carved images from the shrine and carried them off to the ship, he consulted Kauu, the head priest, who asked that the small image of Ku-nui-akea should be returned, but did not seem unduly concerned about the other idols. This may well have been the case, since such ki‘ [images] were resting-places for the gods, not their permanent homes, and were only sacred when the gods were present."

• Thomas 2003 p=73 - Tahitians were offended when some of his crew took rocks – to use as ship's ballast – from a sacred marae without permission: "Further tension arose a few days later when seamen collecting ballast began taking stones from a marae, which locals protested — the place, of course, was sacred. "

• Thomas: p 121-122 - Turtles taken in first Austr landfall; indigenous want a portion etc "But among the Guugu Yimidhirr, fish and animals were often appropriated from those who captured them, to be eaten by others, because of complex rights and totemic relations with species as well as more obvious questions of property. For whatever reasons of this kind, these men probably thought they had cause to claim the turtles, while Cook assumed that they were his to keep or give away. He might have recalled something that in England he had known as well as he’d known his own shoes: that trout, hare, pheasant, deer and other game were wild but not just there for the taking. He did not reflect that what was true in north Yorkshire was true here too: the matter of who could catch and keep creatures was a serious one."
  • Thomas points out that Cook knew from his childhood that communal resources are not entirely for free & require permission & regulation.

• Thomas p 73: Tahiti : confiscated canoes with fish inside: "The following Tuesday, almost a week later, Cook acknowledged that he had no hope of recovering further property ‘and therefore intend to give them up their Canoes when ever they apply for them’. But at this time only four were returned, and the remainder held for a further ten days. From the start, Banks doubted both the justice and the strategy of the step and reports problems that Cook does not: the canoes that had been seized were full of food, including freshly caught fish, which quickly spoiled, and which the owners were not allowed to take away. Further tension arose a few days later when seamen collecting ballast began taking stones from a marae, which locals protested — the place, of course, was sacred. Trade almost ceased with the people of the district, though "

• Thomas p 364: v3 Alaska: "Cook found that this shrewd approach to commerce extended to the commonest things ashore. He sent a party to cut grass, and did not anticipate that this would trouble anyone; but the men who began the task were stopped by people, who insisted that they had to makook, to pay for it. Cook went to the spot himself, and found some dozen men who all made claims. He paid them, expecting that his people then would be able to cut anywhere, yet encountered further demands, ‘there was not a blade of grass that had not a seperated owner, so that I very soon emptied my pockets with purchasing, and when they found I had nothing more to give they let us cut where ever we pleased’. ‘The very wood and water we took on board they at first wanted us to pay for,’ he added, remarking that nowhere else had he encountered the notion that every natural production was ‘their exclusive property’. And the people would have been paid, he added, had he been present himself when these demands were made; but they were ignored by the crew, and the people after a while got tired of asking, yet later ‘made a Merit on necessity and frequently afterwards told us they had given us Wood and Water out of friendship’. The negotiations and tensions around property were, as they long had been, triangular, since Cook tended to respect native claims that his crew did not; or rather, they probably had many angles, which are no longer all visible to us."

• [from June 2025 draft] Cook sometimes punished his own crew for injuring indigenous people: during the second voyage, in August 1774, Cook witnessed one of his marines shoot an indigenous man on the island of Tanna. Cook called the ship's surgeon to try to save him, but the injured man died. Cook was furious and had the marine arrested and prepared to have him flogged. Officers intervened to stop the flogging, and Cook instead imprisoned the marine for two months. sfn|Salmond|2003|p=275-276 sfn|Thomas|2003|p=242

Violence, punishment, deaths, ransoms, death statistics, thievery, etc [excluding crew punishments]

• Thomas p 74 V1 tahiti: "to have been unconcerned by the plight of the local fishermen, just as Tuteha appeared untroubled by the fatal shooting that took place just after the Endeavour arrived. Had the interests of Tahitians not been varied and conflicting, the first incidents of violence and the subsequent seizure of valued property would have provoked much deeper crises. Cook, ironically, only got away with his anti-theft aggression because he was targeting people less powerful than the real thieves."

• Igler p 83-84 - xlnt overview of hostage-taking (including a large list of eents) "These instances represent only a sample of the hostage situations during Cook's three Pacific voyages. As such, they show how Cook primarily took hostages as a form of leverage or retribution: he wanted the return of stolen items or deserters, or in the case of the three Maori boys pulled from their canoes, he likely desired information on the new surroundings. Maintaining “advantage” over the natives was pivotal in every situation. As Lieutenant James King noted in his journal just prior to his captain’s death, Cook “expressd his sorrow” when “the Indians would at last oblige him to use force,” but “they must not... imagine they have gaind an advantage over us."

• Goat theft & subdsequent canoe confistcation:
  • [in JC article already] In October 1777, on the Tahitian island of Mo'orea, a goat belonging to the expedition was stolen by a local inhabitant. Cook organised a large search party and spent two days conducting an intensive search, destroying a large number of canoes and huts, until the goat was returned. Although several members of his crew considered the retaliation excessive, Cook did not record his reasoning for the destruction. [Thomas|2003|pp=344-347]
  • SOURCES: [Thomas|2003|pp=344-347; Salmond pp 366-369]
  • Both soruces say that Cook did not reveal motivatiosn in his journal, other than to say [Salmond p 369 "before our arrival among them probably a happy people, & I must confess this once I obey’d my Orders with reluctance. I doubt not but Captn Cook had good reasons for carrying His punishment of these people to so great a length, but what his reasons were are yet a secret.’** Once again, Cook was at odds with his officers, but on this occasion, it was his own violence that was being criticised. When Cook returned to the Resolution that night to discover that Mahine had sent back the goat, he penned an epitaph to this episode in his journal: ‘Thus this troublesome, and rather unfortunate affair ended, which could not be more regreted on the part of the Natives than it was on mine.”"

• Violence Note 9: need more sources that assess Cook's intentions for 1st encounters: peaceful?
• Violence Note 10: need sources that asses the degree & frequency of violence; if none, cannot really say that the violence was "common". I seem to recall a source saying that it was common .. need to find it. Thomas is unique is saying that C was not more irritable/violent in voy3 (Thomas 2003, pp. 332–333, 376–377.) vs e.g Salmond that says C was more violent in v3 ( Salmond p 319)
• Violence Note 11: More examples of C's crew stealing or commandeering materials from indigenous; indigenous reactions; etc; Cross-culture misunderstandings. More examples & sources are above in subsection #Takings w/o compenstation by COoks crew; Crew harming indigenous
• Violence Note 12: Can article use word "theft" if that was not a concept for (some) indigenous? Better is to reword as "acts that Europeans viewed as theft ..."
  • Violence Salmond p 68: Tahitian's view of theft "Although it was considered meritorious in Tahiti to steal if one could escape undetected, thieves who were caught in the act were often killed in vengeance."
• Violence Note 13: Maybe put the small-shot text into a footnote?
• Violence Note 14: Find a source that discusses the variety of punishments that C applied; is there a source that compares to other European explorers? Was C, overall, more or less lenient? What did contemporaneous indigenous think of the punishments? Word "Cropping" means cut off entire ear, or just part?

Violence & punishment text From June 2025 draft

• "When encountering indigenous peoples, Cook's intentions were to act in an enlightened manner and to establish peaceful relations. Instructions given to Cook by the Royal Society insisted that he treat indigenous peoples respectfully and humanely. See Note 9

• In spite of his intentions, violent encounters with indigenous peoples were common. Many violent incidents arose from thievery: sometimes Cook's crew took fish, fruit, turtles, or lumber from indigenous lands and waters without compensation; in other instances, indigenous people took items from the crew or ships. When conflict was likely, Cook implemented measures to minimize harm, such as instructing his crew to load their firearms with small shot, which was generally non-lethal. When Cook was not present, his crew sometimes disobeyed his orders and changed their weapons to use more fatal musket balls. See Notes 10, 11, 12, 13

• Cook responded to acts of theft by Indigenous individuals through a range of punitive measures, including the seizure or destruction of canoes, kidnapping indigenous leaders to hold for ransom until some act was performed, shaving heads, cropping ears, burning homes, and flogging. Floggings were especially numerous in Tonga during the second voyage. Cook also imposed disciplinary measures on members of his crew who stole from or inflicted harm upon Indigenous people. See Note 14

• Throughout the three voyages, violent encounters resulted numerous deaths: at least 45 indigenous individuals were killed by Cook's crew, including one killed by Cook. Sixteen of the crew were killed by indigenous people, including Cook himself.

Shipboard: practices, leadership; discipline; habits; rituals; crew health; scurvy prevention

• Thomas: Discipline on ship: 39, 42, 66, 71

• Salmond: has list of all floggings: p 433-438

• Robson 2004: pp=85-86
  • C did not mix with his crew or even junior officers
  • FLoggings: toal 90 men; 133 floggings (127 floggins on 3 voyges, + 6 grenville)
  • Floggins per voyage: v1= 28, v2=33; v3=66
  • Midshiptmen & petty officers were punished not with floggings but with going "before the mast" meaning they had to eat and sleep with the enlisted crew, and not with the officers.

• Punish marine that killed indigenous man: see Note 7 below (Tanna: second voyage, in August 1774, Cook witnessed one of his marines shoot an indigenous man, contrary to crews wishes, C. imprisoned the marine for 2 months) Salmond p=275-276, Thomas pp 242-243

• Text from June 2025 draft
  • Discipline aboard Cook's ships adhered to the standard practices of the Royal Navy during that period, with infractions frequently resulting in flogging. Over the course of his voyages, Cook ordered 28 floggings on the first expedition, 33 on the second, and 66 on the third. Midshipmen who were punished were often "sent before the mast," requiring them to eat and sleep alongside the enlisted crew.
  • Cook's ships employed a three-watch system, where crew members were divided into three groups; and each group alternated four hours on and eight hours off.
  • The health of his crew was of utmost importance to Cook. He promoted hygiene by having the crew wash themselves frequently and air-out their bedding, clothes, and quarters. Cook also promoted a good diet, stocking his ships with foods, such as sauerkraut, that he felt would prevent scurvy. His ships carried a variety of livestock during his expeditions: goats, pigs, cattle, sheep, horses, and turkeys. These were given to indigenous leaders as gifts, and eaten by the crew.
  • Cook encouraged dancing and merry-making on his ships. Instruments such as fifes, drums, fiddles, and bagpipes were carried by the crew and played on board, sometimes for the pleasure of indigenous guests they were hosting.
  • His ships conducted crossing the line ceremonies when they crossed the equator. In these ceremonies, the crew drew up a list of everyone on board, including cats and dogs, and interrogated them as to whether they had crossed the equator. If they had not, they had to choose between giving up grog for four days, or be ducked three times into the ocean. According to Joseph Banks, some of those ducked were "grinning and exulting in their hardiness", but others "were almost suffocated".

Personality/character

[any page numbers below w/o author refer to Thomas 2003]

• Keywords: personality, character, reserved, self-control, disciplined, self-discipline, stoic, quiet, strict, fair, celibate (when voyaging), etc.

• Thomas 347: Inscrutable/private; he does not explain his motivations in his journal (nor to others): "Common to much comment [by fellow officers] was a lack of understanding as to why Cook had acted in the way he had. " [because Cook rarely shared his plans, doubts, reasons will anyone else]

• Williams p 110: C's personality / leadership: "On all three of Cook’s voyages there was no doubt who was the ‘chief’ of the newcomers. On the Endeavour voyage, despite the exuberance of Banks, most Polynesians saw that Cook was clearly the leader of the strangers. Only the shipboard presence of the Raiatean priest-navigator Tupa’ia (offered a passage to England by Banks) presented a challenge to Cook’s authority, and that seems to have been a perception confined to New Zealand Maori. Otherwise, as his ship anchored in some island bay Cook was always first to land, advancing with gestures of friendship towards the group of wary warriors lining the shore. Midshipman John Elliott described how Cook [begin quote] would land alone unarm’d, or lay aside his Arms, and sit down, when they threaten’d with theirs, throwing them Beads, Knives, and other little presents, then by degrees advancing nearer, till by Patience, and forbearance, he gain’d their friendship.[end quote]

• Salmond 2003 p 424 - "He [Zimmerman] described Cook as strict with his men, but frugal with food and chaste with women. He never swore or got drunk, and loved equality, dividing the ship’s provisions fairly among his officers and the sailors. He would tolerate no priest on board his ships, and seldom observed the Sabbath. He was fearless, and in moments of greatest danger was merry and serene. He had an instinct for danger, and could sense an imminent shoreline. He cared for his men’s health, insisting that they eat plenty of green vegetables and stay busy and active. The ships were kept clean, and well aired, and he cared for the sick. According to Zimmermann, Captain Cook was very strict with his own men, but relaxed and happy with the islanders:
  • [begin Zimmerman quote] Salmond 2003 p 424 Captain Cook was a tall, handsome man, of somewhat spare build, slightly bent but strong, dark brown in complexion and stern of visage. Starting as a common sailor he worked his way up to such a height through his services that he became one of the most famous navigators. He was very strict and hot tempered, so much so that the slightest insubordination of an officer or sailor upset him completely. He was unyielding where the ship’s rules and the punishment inflicted for breaches of the same were concerned . .. Perhaps no sea officer has ever had such supreme authority over the officers serving under him as he, so that not one of them dared to contradict him. He would often sit at the table with his officers without saying a word, and was always very reserved. In small matters he was more strict with the crew than the officers, but at times was very affable. He was born to deal with savages and he was never happier than in association with them. He loved them and understood the languages of the different islanders and had the art of captivating them with his engaging manner. This was probably the reason that they honored him and at times even worshipped him, and also further reason that when they ceased to honor him, or sometimes even ridicule him, he burned with rage.’ [end Zimmerman quote]

• Beaglehole 1974 p 698 - 699: "We still lack the quantity of intimate description we should like, the analysis of character that with all men, great or little, we feel would somehow make all things plain. It is possible not to regret this: he was a man of action, and the tendency is to regard a man of action as adequately described by his acts, his biography a succession of things done. It is not quite so, any more than it would be a sufficient paradox to say that the acts of a man of action are the least important thing about him. But acts are public things, and we want to enter the mind. We hanker after someone who might be supposed to have hold of a thread. What would we not give for a conversation with Clerke, that companionable man, the knowledgeable, the amused, the unabashed ? We are not, however, devoid of all the aid we need: by assiduous reading between the lines of all those journals, we may even interrogate Cook himself, and get some honest answers. Indeed we have already done so. He was not (to proceed in negatives) romantic, dramatic—though his death was one of the great dramatic points in Pacific history— imaginative in any cloudy way; he was not semi-mystical, striving as some rarefied explorers have done after the meaning of existence or some absolute human affirmation; he was not searching for or fleeing from himself. He had, so far as one can see, no religion. His was not the poetic mind, or the profoundly scientific mind. He was the genius of the matter of fact. He was profoundly competent in his calling as seaman. He was completely professional in his trade as explorer. He had, in large part, the sceptical mind: he did not like taking on trust. He was therefore the great dispeller of illusion. He did have imagination, but it was a controlled imagination that could think out a great voyage in terms of what was possible for his own competence. He could think, he could plan, he could reason; he liked to be able to plan clearly for a specific object. But he liked to be elastic: there was always in his mind, as he planned, the possibility of something more, the parenthesis or addendum;; there was also the sense of proportion that made him, more than once, refuse to waste time looking for what he was not sure to find. He had New Holland up his sleeve; he would not gratify Dalrymple by producing an island that would fit something on the map devised, for all he knew, by Dalrymple. So he would carry out his mass of instructions with a devoted literalness—perhaps because, as has been suggested before, that sort of honest obedience had been bred into him or came natural to him, perhaps because of an equally natural passion for completeness. That called at times for a great deal of patience, a great deal of persistence, some falling back on nervous reserves. Having done it, he could draw breath—less metaphorically, find an anchorage, fresh water and scurvy grass, for the recruitment of his men—and consider the work of supererogation. As he said to young LatoucheTréville, a man who merely stuck to his orders would never make a great figure in discovery. The question strikes us, did he want to make a great figure? Its answer is almost inevitably No. Obviously he had ambitions: in the southern hemisphere he wanted not merely to reach a higher latitude than any man before him, but to go as far as a man could go: but that is a different thing from making a great figure. He was willing to presume, as his first voyage was drawing to a close, that it was as complete as any before made to the South Seas on the same account. After his second voyage, he could well have recurred to the phrase he had then rejected, ‘as compleat if not more so’. It did not occur to him. It did not seem to occur to him that he was a great figure. He was more concerned in pointing out that if his latest discovery, Sandwich Land, was indeed part of the southern continent, the southern continent would not be of much use to anybody. At this point one may remind oneself that it was the controlled imagination, superimposed on the powerful matter-offactness, that put in the place of dispelled illusion so many positive discoveries, and laid the foundations of Pacific geography as a science, of Pacific anthropology, of antarctic hydrography. If onedoes not make even greater claims, and bring in the sciences of natural history, it is because one is speaking of Cook, and not of his voyages. As a commander of ships he very efficiently brought the scientists to their material, when that chimed with his own larger purposes; he had an observant eye, he could ask relevant questions, he could learn; but without Banks and Solander, Anderson, the Forsters, the artists, the voyages would not, in natural science, have been great."

• Beaglehole 1974 p 710-711: "We are confronted by the fact that Cook, with all his humanity, coolness, patience, temperance of expression in the written word, was a passionate man. He could be hot, as we have seen, about sloppy work, false pretences, plain stupidity; he could be impatient when he was prevented from pushing on his work; he could be most intemperate, obviously, in his spoken words. Our witnesses here are of one accord: in temper subject to hastiness and passion, says King; somewhat hasty, says Samwell; cross-grained, ‘sometimes ... carried away by a hasty temper’, says John Reinhold Forster, who cannot in the end but ‘acknowledge him to have been one of the greatest men of his age’; Trevenen gives us a quite illuminating footnote to his account of the Nootka Sound incident when Cook thought he had been careless over observations, ‘Of course ... This was a sort of catharsis, no doubt; was not the effect of selfimportance or vanity, was not vindictive; caused some amusement, did no one harm. The swearing that upset Sparrman as the ship came down on the reef off Tahiti was quite disinterested. Most of the evidence we have on the matter, it may be pointed out, comes from the third voyage—though that may merely be because more persons wrote about the third voyage. Isaac Smith, on the first and second voyages, never thought him severe: he was both ‘loved’ and ‘properly feared’ by the crew,? and the general concern over his illness was obviously not concern over the welfare of a tyrant improperly feared. We may discern a little in Cook’s own pages, in some deleted passage of personal criticism; and that is also evidence that Cook knew his own failing, and preferred that others should not suffer from it. The third voyage evidence is of course linked with that of his harsh, his quite inhumane, treatment of native pilferers— outbursts of rage as uncontrollable, evidently, as the ‘heivas’ [angry outbursts] which his men got to know and to tolerate so well. It shows a character almost on two planes, and a hypothesis of some physical cause is hard to resist. The strains of the voyage were wearing and worrying, a continuation of the strains of two other voyages. A tired man, fundamentally, the commander must have been. Continued responsibility for his own men, continued wrestling with geographical, nautical and human emergencies might, had his physical and mental constitution been less powerful, have made him go limp. He did not do so, but the inner tensions of an able mind were set up, and exacerbated. To that sort of tiredness add the effect of the violent illness from which he had suffered on the second voyage, the ‘indispositions’ to which he was subject on this third voyage. We have a man tired, not physically in any observable way, but with that almost imperceptible blunting of the brain that makes him, under a light searching"

• Beaglehole 1974 P 712: "How is one to complete a portrait? He was not a solitary man, but he must have had a good many solitary thoughts, like many another commander who has had to wrestle with particular angels. Some people—notably Forster—were struck by the small degree to which he took his officers—or his scientific passengers—into his confidence. He certainly did not conduct his voyages by consensus. There was discussion enough where discussion could be of any use. It is quite probable that, having arrived at a solution to a problem— as, for example, by what route to return to England after having circumnavigated New Zealand—he consulted his officers, as he said he did, but he made known what he would call his own ‘strong inclination’, at which few would have inclination to demur. After all, it was he who had been given the instructions, and authority, and discretion. He was quite willing to test the incidental fancies of other men. In matters where he had no claim to exert authority, he seems to have been a tolerant, sober, civilised man of the world. His general knowledge was extensive and various, we are told by Samwell, with no indication of what fields it embraced, or how he acquired it. A great deal must have rubbed off on him from Banks and Anderson and Wales, from acquaintances in the coffee houses, and at dinner with the Royal Society gentlemen, where he listened as well as talked. It does not seem to have been literary. He seems to have had no politics."

• THomas 2003:
  • Pride, obsinate, anger: p 346 "From Matavai to Poverty Bay and back, Cook had repeatedly been driven to extremes by an unwillingness to qualify or abandon objectives that he had embraced. He had repeatedly pushed his luck, driven by a mix of pride, anger and a theory of encounter that demanded the display of superiority. Anger played a considerable part, and we have his own word for it that he was sometimes incensed by ‘insolence’."
  • Knew the collectgive mood of his crew: P 335
  • 221: secretive about plans of ship; did not reveal plans before needed;
  • 237: self control; self denial
  • World View: xxxiv - xxxv
  • Discipline on ship: 39, 42, 66, 71
  • Anthropolical way of thinking: 65
  • Use of Force attitude: 92-93
  • celibacy: 237
  • Possessions / materialism: 127-128
  • Luxury: 129-130
  • STDs 185
  • discovery commitment to 217
  • limits alcohol in crew: 355
  • Shows of force to indigenous: p 391 "Cooks axiom was that indigenous must be aware of superior strenght of Europeans ..."

• Williams p 208: p 110: C's personality / leadership: "On all three of Cook’s voyages there was no doubt who was the ‘chief’ of the newcomers. On the Endeavour voyage, despite the exuberance of Banks, most Polynesians saw that Cook was clearly the leader of the strangers. Only the shipboard presence of the Raiatean priest-navigator Tupa’ia (offered a passage to England by Banks) presented a challenge to Cook’s authority, and that seems to have been a perception confined to New Zealand Maori. Otherwise, as his ship anchored in some island bay Cook was always first to land, advancing with gestures of friendship towards the group of wary warriors lining the shore. Midshipman John Elliott described how Cook [begin quote] would land alone unarm’d, or lay aside his Arms, and sit down, when they threaten’d with theirs, throwing them Beads, Knives, and other little presents, then by degrees advancing nearer, till by Patience, and forbearance, he gain’d their friendship.[end quote]

STDs, disease, depopulation, etc (exclude consensual/coercion)

• Igler p 45: Sex: coercion; STDs a Major factor in depopulation: "As much as any other factor in depopulation, sex between indigenous people and outsiders—the primary focus of this chapter—often proved devastating. These sexual relations, which involved varying degrees of coercion, failed to produce healthy offspring or reproduce viable populations. Rather, sex with foreign sailors disseminated venereal disorders and their hidden consequences of infertility, infant mortality, and brutal assaults on immune systems. Thus, while com-..."

• Salmond p 428: HI missionary propaganda: In the 1800s, missionaries in Hawaii sought to undermine Cook's reputation by blaming him for the initial introduction of STDs to the islands.

• Existing text in draft? or artilce? "Cook took measures to mitigate the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including issuing orders that prohibited women from boarding his ships and instructing his crew to refrain from sexual relations with indigenous women. In Hawaii, he specifically ordered that "no woman was to board either of the ships" and that any crew member known to have an STD was strictly forbidden from engaging in sexual activity, stating these directives were intended "to prevent as much as possible the communicating [of] this fatal disease to a set of innocent people". Despite these efforts, Cook's orders were frequently disregarded by members of his crew. Based on the journals of Cook and his crew, Cook never engaged in sexual relations with indigenous women during his voyages.

Sexual relations, consensual, coercion, prostitution, etc (excluding STDs)

• Query for more sources: I'm gathering sources for material on sexual relations between indigenous and Cook's crew. There are plenty of sources for consensual relations, and for prostitution. What I'm looking for now are sources covering coercion. What I have so far is:
• Igler 2013, pp 45, 50-51
• Thomas 2003 p xxiv, 184

Can anyone identify sources that discuss either (a) coerced sex; or (b) an overall discussion of sexual relations on the voyages consensual vs prostitution vs coerced?

• Igler p 45: Sex: coercion; STDs a Major factor in depopulation: "As much as any other factor in depopulation, sex between indigenous people and outsiders—the primary focus of this chapter—often proved devastating. These sexual relations, which involved varying degrees of coercion, failed to produce healthy offspring or reproduce viable populations. Rather, sex with foreign sailors disseminated venereal disorders and their hidden consequences of infertility, infant mortality, and brutal assaults on immune systems. Thus, while com-..."

• Igler p 50: sex: consent vs coerceion: [focus on Tahiti] "What drove the active sexual marketplace that resulted in widespread infection, infertility, and life-threatening illness for indigenous people? The answer is fairly self-evident from the perspective of European and American sailors, who spent years away from home and, as Bougainville explained, “hadn’t seen women in six months.” They all desired sex; preferably the kind that they could imagine was consensual. But a simple payment in the form of trade goods usually translated to adequate “consent” regardless of who actually received the goods. The participation of indigenous women is far more complicated and reflects a spectrum of circumstances, ranging from willing engagement to coercion and rape. European and American sailors perceived willing consorts across Polynesia— most notably on Hawai'i, Tahiti, and the Marquesas, where sailors openly fornicated with native women on ship deck and shore. Many scholars have examined cultural factors to explain this apparent willingness by some Polynesian women to engage in sex with outsiders, especially during the early contact period. In Hawai'i, Marshall Sahlins asserts, “Sex was everything: rank, power, wealth, land, and the security of all these. Happy society, perhaps, that could make the pursuit of all the good things in life so enjoyable in itself” Caroline Ralston distinguishes between elite or “noble” Hawaiian women and their “ordinary” (or non-noble) counterparts, who “threw themselves into the embrace of foreign sailors in what was an enactment of their established cultural practices and beliefs.’ This all may be so. Yet behind these cultural explanations was the young women’s expectation of social advancement: increased mana (or spiritual power) taken from a stranger, performing one’s duty under the watchful eyes of village elders, and increasingly, an “avenue to foreign goods” in exchange for sexual favors." The incentive of trade goods was crucial and women found they could demand them. Cook’s sailors desperately yanked long nails from the ships’ deck to compensate their sexual partners. Decades later, midshipman William Reynolds was “delighted” by three of the “prettiest damsels I could Select,’ and, he added with a wink: “My trinkets went.”....

• Igler P 50-51: Sex & coercion [focus on Tahiti] "Long nails, hooks, trinkets, and coins—a sexual marketplace developed in many places in the island Pacific. But what began with proffered gratuities during the early contact period became an open and structured system of forced prostitution in later years, Even at the outset a level of coercion was unmistakable, while short of coercion it was quite likely that sexual partners were unable to communicate about proper conduct, purpose, or the material terms of the exchange.” Recall the scene described by Bougainville: the La Boudeuse and Etoile were surrounded by Tahitian dugout canoes “filled with women. ... Most of these nymphs were naked, since the men and old women who accompanied them had taken off the nymphs’ robes.” The young women and girls, physically undressed by their elders, appear mute in these highly charged proceedings. “The [village] men,’ Bougainville continues, “urged us to choose a woman and to follow her to land, and their unequivocal gestures made it plain how we were to treat her.”* Bougainville’s lurid description elides the actual terms and level of consent characterized in these intimate encounters. Other observers and participants were far clearer about the power dynamics at work and the level of sexual violence. George Reinhold Forster, the naturalist on Cook’s second voyage, recorded how Maori men “sell the favours of their females to those of our ship’s company, who were irresistibly attracted by their charms; and often were these victims of brutality dragged by the fathers into the dark recesses of the ship, and there left to the beastly appetite of their paramours.”” In Polynesia, the expanding market exchange of sex for trade goods brought death and declining health to countless native women and men. "

• Thomas p 184: NZ maori Forced prostitution ". He was disturbed, as I noted at the beginning of this book, by a shift in sexual mores that responded to the desires of his own crew. During the Endeavour’s sojourn here, there had been a little but not much sexual traffic. Now, as both he and George Forster remarked in the passages that I discussed earlier [pp xxiv, xxvi, xxiv ], prostitution was engaged in more systematically, and at least a few men appear to have forced women to participate."

• Thomas: p 14-15: "In 1768 Cook’s London was nothing if not a world city, at once a place of corruption and luxury, experimental knowledge, the frippery of Francophile fashion, a new kind of public painting, pervasive prostitution, violence and poverty. Privileged Londoners had access to science, music, the theatre, and more books than had ever before been published anywhere, but considered nothing to be as extraordinary as their own opportunities to shop. ‘A Man who has Money, may have at once every delicate, every dainty, and every ornamental Beauty of the four Quarters of the World. A

• Thomas p xxiv: prostituion : "We do not know what exactly happened. Whatever it was must have been violent and shocking. Both Cook and Forster’s son George write, not of a specific incident, but in general terms. Both see what has taken place not just as a particular misfortune, but as an instance of a greater wrong that they and their voyage are implicated in. What is reported is cross-cultural sex. In itself, this is unremarkable. At Tahiti, a commerce between sailors and local women had quickly developed during the visit of Cook’s predecessor, the island’s European ‘discoverer’, Samuel Wallis. When the Endeavour arrived there to observe the transit of Venus, Cook, it appears, was almost alone in refraining from taking a Tahitian lover. Common seamen, the officers, Joseph Banks and others felt no compunction about forming temporary attachments. Similarly, when Cook first called at Queen Charlotte Sound, a few sailors had slept with a few women. What changed between his first and second sojourns was the interest that Maori men took in the business. They had previously been indifferent. Now, according to both Cook and Forster, they began to compel their women to prostitute themselves. [quoting] Cook and Forster: "... but for the authority and menaces of their men, [the women, Forster wrote] would not have complied with the desires of a set of people who could, with unconcern, behold their tears and hear their complaints. Whether the members of a civilized society, who could act such a brutal part, or the barbarians who could force their own women to submit to such indignity, deserve the greatest abhorrence, is a question not easily to be decided. Encouraged by the lucrative nature of this infamous commerce, the New Zeelanders went through the whole vessel, offering their daughters and sisters promiscuously to every person’s embraces, in exchange for our iron tools, which they knew could not be purchased at an easier rate." [end quote] Today, it is not possible to know whether this really became a pattern of behaviour or whether there were just one or two occasions when coercion was manifest. Forster and Cook were not immune from the impulse to pronounce a generality on the basis of some possibly exceptional event. But it is most unlikely that they would have written in these terms at all had not some women made it painfully clear that they hated being used sexually by strangers, by alien white men, who were probably both desperate and careless. At Tahiti, women who were not willing simply refused sailors and that was that. At the time, there was argument about how reprehensible sexual contacts at Tahiti were, and that issue can be argued today. But what happened in New Zealand was different: all we know suggests that it was marked by immediate and unmistakable violence. For Forster, this commerce exposed the joint brutality of mariners and indigenous men.

• THomas xxvi : According to George Forster, married Maori women were not promiscuous and were not forced to make themselves available to sailors. Forster may have been in error, but if not, Cook distorted circumstances and magnified the offensiveness of Maori conduct when he stated categorically that men rented out their wives and daughters. This is to censure Maori men, fairly or unfairly, but intensifies the point that Cook makes, that women are degraded in this way only because civilized Christians have arrived. Native morality may,\already be prone to vice, he observes, but natives are debauched by the British, not by themselves. He generalizes further: what is shameful is not just the permanent disruption of indigenous life in the Pacific in particular, but the entire business of European expansion.

• Thomas p xxiv : Prostitution & Consenusal Sex: "What is reported is cross-cultural sex. In itself, this is unremarkable. At Tahiti, a commerce between sailors and local women had quickly developed during the visit of Cook’s predecessor, the island’s European ‘discoverer’, Samuel Wallis. When the Endeavour arrived there to observe the transit of Venus, Cook, it appears, was almost alone in refraining from taking a Tahitian lover. Common seamen, the officers, Joseph Banks and others felt no compunction about forming temporary attachments. Similarly, when Cook first called at Queen Charlotte Sound, a few sailors had slept with a few women. What changed between his first and second sojourns was the interest that Maori men took in the business. They had previously been indifferent. Now, according to both Cook and Forster, they began to compel their women to prostitute themselves. "

• Thomas p 402: v3 after death: between HI and Kamchatka: PROSTITUTION: men trading their clothes for sex: " in early April it became cold quickly, and the seamen, who had given away most of their clothes in trade with women, suffered. By the end of the month they reached the port of Petropavlovsk, still ice

Contagious diseases; impact to indigenous populiations

Many European explorers – including members of Cook's crews – carried communicable diseases such as syphilis, gonorrhoea, tuberculosis, malaria, dysentery, smallpox, influenza, and hepatitis. These diseases caused a significant decline in some local populations, who often had no natural resistance. Cook's crews transmitted some of these diseases to indigenous peoples in Tahiti, Hawaii, British Columbia, and New Zealand. In Hawaii, Cook's crews were the first Europeans to introduce some diseases to the local population.

Cook's interest in Ethnography, Language, Anthropology, etc

• KEywords: Language, translator, culture, rituals, ceremony, sacred, anthropology,

• Need to research more: Cook's observations on:
  • Fuegian culture
  • Tasmanian cluture
  • Aborrginal Aus culture
  • cannibalsms
  • Human sacrifice

• Cook's curiosity: Thomas p 341 " [after witnessing human sacrifice ceremony] If Tahua was offended, the row seems not to have bothered Tu, who soon afterwards made a great offering of cloth to Cook, and followed it up with presentations of food. Cook was treated also to a sort of play, he went to see a chief embalmed; he was disappointed to miss a further human sacrifice; ‘I would have been present at this too had I known it in time.’ Likewise he regretted not knowing of some business, ‘Otoo giving or restoring lands &c* to the friends and followers of the late King Tootahah, which had been withheld from them ever sence his death.’ Throughout September, Cook’s chief interest was evidently to see more of Tahitian custom, and his constant companions were Mai, Anderson and Webber - who interpreted, co-interpreted and illustrated, respectively."

• Cannibalism: Already in article: "Cook then sailed around both of New Zealand's main islands, mapping the complete coastline. While doing so, in January 1770, Cook came upon Māori eating the flesh of enemies they had recently killed, which confirmed stories of cannibalism they had heard in Poverty Bay.

• Sacrifice, human: Already in article: " While on Tahiti, Cook was allowed to observe a multi-day ritual involving a human sacrifice.

• Thomas: Tatooing: 68, 76, 78-80, 101, 116, 192, 238, 253, 269, 317

• Thomas : Tapu (taboo) 69,98,173, 194-5, 226, 321, 326

• Thomas p 183: "For their part, the Maori attached inordinate value to some things that the Europeans produced. Furneaux mentions in passing that “We had a catalogue of their words’ — which would have been based on lists made during the Endeavour’s visit — ‘calling several things by name which suprized them much. They wanted it much and offered a great quantity of Fish for it.” His account of this interest in the list is too cursory to be fully understood, but it sounds as though its use was demonstrated, as words were read off it, so as to make the working of writing evident to these Ngai Tahu. These Maori must have grasped that the marks on the paper were, in some sense, signs that captured a sort of knowledge. They may have associated writing with the meaningful inscription of tattooing, or with other sorts of marking and carving that went into art forms that were generally prestigious, that generally signified something, in terms of genealogy and political authority. All this is speculation, yet their surprise before this technology, and their"

• Existing text in article: Cook and Banks were among the first Europeans to have extensive contact with a large number of peoples in the Pacific. They identified similarities between cultures and languages across many Pacific Islands, leading them to suggest that the populations shared a common origin in Asia. Significant observations and discoveries were made by the scientists that Cook carried on each his voyages: naturalists on the first voyage collected over 3,000 plant species; and those on the second voyage published Observations Made During a Voyage Round the World, one of the first works which utilised a modern, interdisciplinary approach to geography.

Commerce, trade, Technology, globalization, livestock, gardens : sources

• Keywords:; Technology ; Barter; Commerce; Exchange; Trade; Ax, Axe; nails; breadfruit; Garden; Seeds

• Globalization / Colonization / Imperialism:
  • Source don't discuss those topics in much depth
  • Globalization: Very little discussion: just some broad high-level statements by 2ndary authors that any lands/passages discovered by Cook might provide opportunities to expand global trade & commerce (see below)
    • But no mention at all in official orders, or in Cook's own words
  • Colonialism/Imperialism: not discussed much by 2ndary authors; mostly in the context of modern controversy re monuments & celebrations: considering Cook as a symbol of Colonialism/Imperialism

• Introduction of technology into Indigenous communities: TBD

Was commerce/trading a purpose of the voyages?

• Conclusion: engaging in trading/commerce, establishing trade relations or trading posts were not direct goals of any of Cooks voyages, and are not mentioned in the orders of any of the voyages (nor mentioned by Cook in his writings). However, orders for v1 specified it was okay to barter for ship provisions. Discovering lands or routes was an important goal of all his voyages. And it was understood (but never written down in orders) that new lands & routes might promote future trade & commerce. Examples: 2nd mission: find Southern Continent; 3rd mission: Find NW passage. But the biographers barely talk about trade. Even in the context of finding new lands & passages: the biographers rarely mention trade/commerce. They assume that the reader knows that trade/commerce will follow from the intelligence that Cook gathers; and the biographers rarely (and obliquely) talk about trade/commerce in relation to Cook or his voyages. (exception: crew bartering for provisions, etc)

• None of the official orders of any of the three voyages contain words or instructions to establish trade or commerce with indigenous peoples - except for the limited purpose of trading with locals to obtain provisions for the ship.

• The major biographers do not (as far as I can tell) say that the primary purpose of any voyage was to establish trade.

• Cook himself never says, in his own writings, that a purpose of the voyages is to establish trade.

• Some biographers mention, in their own voices, that the voyages had a purpose of gathering data and laying the groundwork for future trade ... example Finding NW passage.
  • But even these statements by biographers tend to be in passing: when discussing other topics.
  • The wording tends to be indirect: that anyone who found a NW passage; or that Cook was gathering data, or searching for opportunities, but not taking concrete steps to begin trading.
  • The biographers seem to think that it goes without saying that any major voyages, by any Europoean country, had trade as an underlying purpose: if not to directly start trade, then to at least gather intelligence that would enable future trade possibilities.
  • The biographers tend to assume that readers will share that understanding.

• Quotes from 2ndary soruces
  • Thomas 184-185 (Comment on Second Voyage) In the context of paying for sex: "The great aim of the programme of voyaging that the Admiralty had prosecuted with the blessing of the King had been the discovery of new lands and peoples with whom trade could in due course be opened up, to both honour and enrich Britain."
    • This is Thomas's understanding of what the Admiralty & King wanted (but is not official instructions/orders); and he is stating that Cook is not establishing trade, but merely discovering lands/passages which might lead to future trade.
  • Beaglehole 1974 p 475: (planning for 3rd voyage) "Their continent, Dalrymple’s continent, had been swept away [i.e. 2nd voyage proved Southern continent did not exist]: no matter, a new route in the north would revolutionise the commerce of the world. There were still men of enormous faith, and men who could be persuaded by a logic founded on unhappy and" .... and yet it still does not mention Cook.

Beaglehole 1974: Commerce

• p 475-481 : Cook was not the 1st voyage to try to find NW passage: there were about 50 before him. Note that Beaglhole spells it "north-west passage"

• p 475: "Their continent, Dalrymple’s continent, had been swept away: no matter, a new route in the north would revolutionise the commerce of the world. There were still men of enormous faith, and men who could be persuaded by a logic founded on unhappy and"

Williams: Commerce

• p 30: " By the beginning of February Kalani’opu’u and his chiefs were anxiously enquiring when the ships would leave, and on being told that they would soon sail collected vast quantities of hogs, sugar cane, yams, sweet potatoes, plantains and breadfruit. As several journals noted, the amount of foodstuffs brought to the ships was a huge drain on the resources of the area, and was ample justification for the questioning about the ships’ departure. On 4 February"

• p 37: knife used to stab C @ death almost certainly was been received from trade oir gift: "Nowhere was there any mention of one of the ironies of the death scene, that the fearsome weapon that stabbed Cook was one of those manufactured on the ships, and used as gifts or trade goods on the island. As Burney explained in his journal, they were ‘Iron Spikes from 18 Inches to 2% feet long, worked in the form of their own wooden Daggers ... called Pahooah’. Clerke recalled that he had presented one of the iron daggers to Kalani’opu’u the evening before Cook’s death, "

• p 45: BC: Nookta offered Human bones as trade goods: " One of Douglas’s most significant editorial amplifications altered the emphasis of a passage written by Cook during his stay at Nootka Sound on the west coast of Vancouver Island. Ina brief mention Cook included ‘human sculs and hands’ among the items offered by the Nootka as trade goods. In the published version this was enlarged to something altogether more meaningful:..."

• p 69: AFter death: a Frenchman (Lemontey) was praising C: " For Lemontey, who came from a merchant family, Cook’s discoveries promised a new kind of global commerce between Europe and the South Seas, based on mutual benefit rather than force."

• p 71 : Benefit to Indigenous ... C directlY : "Almost without exception, the obituaries and eulogies praised Cook for introducing to the peoples of the Pacific the useful arts of Europe — from new plants and strains of cattle to the latest technology and commercial skills. And, as Bernard Smith has pointed out, the hero stood alone; there is no acknowledgement in these literary tributes of the part played in Cook’s voyages by his fellow officers and his civilian scientific companions."

• p 114 "The theft of the Discovery's cutter at Kealakekua Bay a few hours before Cook’s death was undoubtedly prompted by the amount of iron contained in its fittings. Nails were prime items of barter, to the extent that a ship’s structure might be weakened by their removal from the hull by crew members desperate for sex or intent on acquiring ‘curiosities’. Apart from iron, other desirable trade goods were more difficult to predict, and values fluctuated according to laws of supply and demand. Most profitable from the crew’s point of view were the red feathers obtained by the bagful in Tonga on the second and third voyages and which were found to be madly in demand for ritual purposes in Tahiti. For a while, a few feathers were enough to procure a fifty-pound hog"

Salmond: Commerce

• p 12: intro: descr ENgland in 1750: "At mid-century, however, great changes were under way. The old hierarchies were still taken for granted, but their foundations were shifting. Much of Britain’s wealth was founded on international trade; and convoys of ships sailed around the world, linking Great Britain with a network of colonies and trading stations, and circulating new ideas and discoveries as well as cargoes of goods, slaves and raw materials. Felons were often transported to America where they became ardent advocates of liberty

• p 49: Wallis' visit to Tahiti in Dolphin: " Other bonds which were being forged between the strangers and their hosts were much less ceremonial in nature. As soon as the Tahitians and the British stopped fighting, they started having sex, and some of these relationships became commercial. The crew of the Dolphin were having a glorious time, concealing each other’s absences ashore from the officers, and stealing iron from the ship to pay for sexual favours. As Francis Wilkinson remarked, ‘The Women were far from being Coy. For when A Man Found A Girl to his Mind, which he Might Easly Do Amongst so many, their was Not much Cermony on Either Side, and I Belive Whoever Comes here hereafter will find Evident Proofs that they are not the first Discoverys.”*' He also noted that some of these ‘Women’, who were very young (no more than ro or 11 years old), had been brought by their male kinsmen to the Europeans.. Over the weeks the ‘old trade’ (as the sailors called it) turned into a competitive frenzy. By 20 July the carpenter reported that every wooden cleat in the ship had been drawn, and that most of the hammock-nails had been stolen.** Some men were now paying for sex with spike nails (nails four inches or more long, used to fasten the ship’s planks to its frame), putting the vessel at risk and ruining the terms of trade for provisions. When the officers tried to find out who was responsible, however, the sailors closed ranks, refusing to identify the culprits. That night there was a brawl below decks, as they meted out their own kind of justice. Worse, when the captain ordered a sailor who had been caught stealing a cleat-nail to run the gauntlet, his shipmates struck him so lightly that the punishment was almost farcical. On shore, too, the ‘old trade’ was having destructive consequences. Although the ship’s surgeon had sworn on his honour to Wallis that none of the crew suffered from venereal diseases, he was wrong, for many of the women who slept with the English sailors contracted lymphogranuloma venereum and perhaps also gonorrhoea.* In that period, it was not known that some venereal diseases remained infectious for years after ..."

• p 63-64: v1: 1st stop in Tahiti: IRON & CLOTH were key items: 'Now that the Endeavour was approaching Tahiti, Cook drew up a set of Rules based on Captain Wallis’s experience and the Earl of Morton’s instructions. He was determined that, during their stay, his expedition would do as little harm to the local people as possible. In the ‘Rules’, Cook instructed his crew to ‘endeavour by every fair means to cultivate a friendship with the Natives and to treat them with all imaginable humanity’. He informed them that ‘a proper person or persons’ would be appointed to control all trade, ordered that ‘No Sort of Iron, or any thing that is made of Iron, or any sort of Cloth or other usefull necessary articles are to be given in exchange for any thing but provisions,’ and warned them that any man who lost his arms or tools ashore would have their value charged against his wages.' The sailors heard these instructions with regret, since the barter of iron for sexual delights in Tahiti had become legendary among them. As the island came into sight they gazed longingly at the shore, which Parkinson vividly described as ‘uneven as a piece of crumpled paper, being divided irregularly into hills and valleys; but a beautiful verdure covered both, even to the tops of the highest peaks.’’* When some canoes came out to the ship, their crews calling out ‘Taio! Taio!’ [Friend! Friend!], the sailors responded with unfeigned pleasure. "

• p 75: Tahiti, near Cape VenuS "Although Tutaha resumed his regular visits to the ship and the fort, Cook still found it difficult to obtain foodstuffs on the island. A rahui (ceremonial ban) had been placed on supplies to the sailors, and whenever the Endeavour men tried to trade for pigs, chickens or vegetables, no matter how far they travelled along the coast, they were told that these were all reserved for Tutaha.** Nevertheless, members of the ruling families flocked from all parts of the island to visit the Europeans. On 12 May, for instance, a man and two women arrived in a double canoe off Point Venus, asking to see Joseph Banks. The man, who carried a small bunch of parrots’ feathers and a dozen plantain branches, offered the plantain branches to Banks one by one, speaking briefly as he made each presentation. Tupaia (who acted as master of ceremonies on this occasion) received these gifts and put them in the boat. The man then laid a length of bark-cloth on the ground, and one of the women, who was swaddled in bark-cloth, turned towards Banks, spinning herself slowly around until all of the bark-cloth was unwound, and she stood naked before him. This ceremony, which was repeated three times, was a mark of great honour for a distinguished guest, but carried no implication of sexual availability. Banks did not understand this, however, and led the two women into his tent, where he tried to persuade them to stay, but they soon departed. "

• P 90-91: V1 in Tahiti-iti "[A Tahitian chief named Moe was in] the process of building a house and was eager to trade for a hatchet, but unfortunately they had none left in the pinnace. After some negotiations Cook agreed to give Moe a hatchet if he would deliver a large pig to the Endeavour, and carried on to Vaiari [or Papeari] on the other side of the isthmus."

• p 100-101: v1 Opoa (sm island in Tahiti group): "During their brief visit to Opoa, Cook ordered the forge to be set up to make nails for barter, and put Dr Monkhouse and Tupaia in charge of all trade, which greatly annoyed the sailors. As Pickersgill complained, ‘this day Trade Oligopoliz’d on Shore by the Surgeon &c whilst the most Triffling Things was not admitted to be Purchas’d on board even by the Petty Officers a Centinal Being Putt on each ganway on Purpus while the 2d Lieutn (Mr Gore) Gore) stay’d on the Qr Deck all day.’’ At Tahiti, the sailors had obsessively traded for ‘curiosities’ and sex, and Ra‘iatea offered new opportunities; but Gore was unmoved by their protests. Although he was intent on controlling the terms of trade, Cook wanted to ensure that none of the crew could slip ashore, provoking the sort of drastic measures that had ruined their last days on Tahiti. In addition, at least half of his men were now suffering from VD, and he did not want them to infect the Ra‘iatean women. Discipline among the sailors had become lax during their months in Tahiti, but now that they were back at sea, Captain Cook was determined to reassert his authority."

• p 129: v1 Whitianga NZ: Cheating during trading: "Early the next morning a fleet of about fifteen canoes surrounded the ship, threatening the strangers and widening their eyes in the pukana, a gesture of defiance. Again, Tupaia persuaded these people to trade, although when they began to ‘cheat’, musketballs were fired through the hulls of their canoes and two of the culprits were shot with smallshot. These men bled profusely, but their companions ignored them and resumed trading with the strangers until another man tried to keep goods without making any return. A musketball was fired through the hull of his canoe, and then Cook ordered a cannon loaded with round-shot to be fired over their heads,.."

• p 140: NZ Meretoto "... three canoes came out from the island pa, bringing about too people (including women) to see what they were doing. When the longboat, laden with casks, began to row away from the ship, the canoes set off after it, so a musket loaded with smallshot was fired at them, and they quickly came back to the vessel. These people began to trade dried fish for European goods, and when the master prevented two of the warriors from climbing on board, they threatened him with spears and were physically forced back into their canoe. Shortly after this a man tried to snatch some goods from the deputy purser, threatening him with a hand-club. Seeing this, Cook fired"

• p 144: v1 NZ Trading a human bone: "He sought empirical proof that Maori ate each other, and when some warriors offered to trade another human forearm bone to Banks the next morning, they were asked to demonstrate the custom. Until the ‘experimental gentlemen’ had seen human flesh being eaten with their own eyes, they could not claim "

• p 146: v1 Depleted indig stock of fish: "By 3 February, it seemed that the Endeavour expedition was depleting local resources. Cook went with Solander and Tupaia to a pa in East Bay to trade for dried fish for the voyage, buying so much that finally the old men told them to leave the island. When he went to the north of the Sound to see if he could do better, he met a similar rebuff. At the same time, the ‘gentlemen’ were making last-minute efforts to prepare themselves for the rigours of the voyage. As Banks reported with glee:

• p 183: v2 NZ (?) ". Below decks they examined Cook’s chairs and bed, admiring his cabin, and presented him with a feather cloak and a greenstone adze, gifts for a high chief. The young girl gave Hodges a cloak and tried to tie his hair up on his head, a sign of mana (prestige and power), and in return they were given gifts of hatchets, nails and tufts of feathers. Again, some of the sailors attempted to approach the girl, but she spurned their advances. As Clerke observed: [quoting: ] The Gallantry of our People in general made them very anxious to pay some Compliment to the Young Lady, as "T'was the first Female we had seen for many Months, but the Young Gypsey did not seem at all inclin’d to repay them in the Kind Indian Women in general trade in and indeed the Kind that’s most esteem’d I believe by all men after so long an absence from the Sex.”

• p 185: v2 Fourneaux in NZ (after 1st separation?) "The next morning, two double canoes carrying a group of about sixty people came out to the Adventure, where they exchanged weapons, tools and cloaks for nails and old bottles. These people had arrived to trade with the British, and set up a camp in a nearby cove. Over the following days, the sailors exchanged nails and other items for sex with the women. There were already four sailors on board the Adventure with stubborn venereal infections, and over the next few weeks at least five more men showed signs of the disease, which the women had contracted after the Endeavour’s visit. News of the Adventure’s arrival was spreading, and on 12 April, a flotilla of canoes arrived in the Sound, bringing goods to trade with the British. Their crews immediately came on board, offering women in exchange for spike nails. These exchanges continued for several weeks, until on 24 April, the Europeans’ strength was tested. That night, several canoes attempted to ambush Bayly’s camp, but were driven off by musket fire; and the next day.."

• p 188: NZ "Cook was disgusted by these orgies, exclaiming in his journal, ‘To our shame [as] civilized Christians, we debauch their Morals already too prone to vice and we interduce among them wants and perhaps diseases which they never before knew and which serves only to disturb that happy tranquillity they and their fore Fathers had injoy’d. If any one denies the truth of this assertion let him tell me what the Natives of the whole extent of America have gained by the commerce they have had with Europeans.’"

• P 193: "next morning when they anchored in Vaitepiha Bay, the Tahitians swarmed up the sides of the vessels, exchanging fruit and ‘curiosities’ for beads and nails. Those who tried to steal from the ships were lashed with a whip, which ‘they bore very patiently’. No hogs or chickens were offered to the British, however, because young Vehiatua, the new high chief of Tahiti-iti, had prohibited this kind of barter. It "

• P 200: breeding pair of goats: "After breakfast, Cook offered to take him back to Pare, and as they set off Furneaux gave Tu a breeding pair of goats as a gift, indicating that they should be fed on grass and kept in shady places. When they landed at Pare, the people greeted the high chief with acclamation, and an old grey-haired lady ran to embrace Cook. This was Tutaha’s mother, who wept over Cook, lamenting the death of his taio. Cook was deeply moved by her tears, admitting later:"

• p 204: Huahine 1 September " the Adventure grounded briefly in the passage, although they finally got in safely. Soon afterwards Cook went ashore, where he was greeted with pleasure. The people remembered him from his previous visit, bringing numerous pigs, dogs and chickens to barter, although they had few vegetables for the sailors, since both breadfruit and plantains were out of season. A message soon came from Ori, the Regent of Huahine, who had exchanged names with Cook during the Endeavour’s visit in 176"

• p 211 v2 ??? location ?? ". Ta asked to be released, and soon returned with the mat-bag and most of the things which had been in it. The following morning when the last of the stolen items were returned, they gave back the things that they had taken, boarded the boat, visited several other bays to trade for bananas, and then returned to Ra‘iatea."

• p 219: Tonga " Now that the formalities were concluded, Forster began to barter for curiosities, but when a man took a nail without making any return, Forster struck him with a heavy wooden dart he had just purchased, and as the man went to return the blow, he struck him on the back with his hanger, wounding him slightly."

• p 222 v2 NZ " There was no sign of the Adventure, however, so he decided to leave the Sound as soon as possible to try and find her. When the Maori gathered in the Sound were told that the Resolution’s departure was imminent, they decided to acquire one last load of trade’ goods to barter with the sailors. On 21 November, a group of women came to Ship Cove, saying that their menfolk had gone westward to fight in Admiralty Bay. The next morning, a flotilla of seven or eight canoes arrived triumphantly back in the Sound, paddled by warriors with their hair tied up, their faces painted with red ochre, and their canoes laden with cloaks, weapons and greenstone. Soon afterwards, some of these men came alongside and began to barter ‘curiosities’ with the sailors; and George Forster realised that they had gone raiding specifically for this purpose. Cook had gone to a remote part of the Sound to drop off a pair of pigs, and hens and cocks in the hope they might breed there undisturbed, and when he returned he was told that some of his men had just found chewed thighbones at a shoreline hamlet. He ordered the tents to be struck and everything brought on board, and ordered a sailor who had taken hatchets and other ‘curiosities’ from a hut to be given a flogging. That night he wrote in his journal ..."

• p 222: v2 NZ: animals: "Cook had gone to a remote part of the Sound to drop off a pair of pigs, and hens and cocks in the hope they might breed there undisturbed,"

• p 240 v2 April 1774 Tahuata (Marquesas Islands) BREADFRUIT "These men were almost naked and elaborately tattooed from head to foot in circles, scrolls and squares, with pearl-shell ornaments around their necks, and they had slings tied around their foreheads and piles of stones in their narrow canoes, which were made of thin planks sewn together. They sent up roots of kava as a sign of peace; and a brisk trade for breadfruit, fish and curiosities quickly got under way. Their language appeared to be very close to Tahitian, and when they were asked for pigs they went ashore and got one, which they traded for a knife. At nightfall they retired, as fires flared up around the bay and on the surrounding .... . Soon a number of canoes came out and their crews began to trade for fish and breadfruit, yelling and making a deafening racket. Some of these people came on board, but soon began to ‘cheat’. When one man tried to take goods without making a return, Cook fired a...."

• P 241 Marquesas? "They seemed somewhat mollified by this, and guided them to a fine stream of water where Cook ordered the waterers to start filling the casks, as the Marquesans began to barter plantains, bananas and breadfruit for nails and other iron items, guarded by a line of marines armed with muskets"

• P 243: Marquesas Islands? "Although barter had become difficult, the people were now very friendly, and a number of women joined their menfolk at the beach, where several of them agreed to sleep with the sailors"

• p 243 v2 Takaroa (tiny atoll in Fr. Polynesia, far from tahiti) "On 17 April they came to Byron’s ‘Coral Island’ (Takaroa), one of the Northern Tuamotus, where Cook sent a boat to sound the entrance through the reef of the atoll. Although some armed men threatened them briefly, they quickly began to trade coconuts for nails, so Cook sent the other boats in under the command of Cooper and Pickersgill, so that the Forsters could go ashore to collect plants. They were met by people who bartered a few dogs and coconuts, and allowed them to examine their houses and boathouses. Hitihiti eagerly traded for these dogs, which had fine, long white hair, much valued in the Society Islands for decorating the breastplates worn by"

• p 248: v2 April 1774, location ?? "The Tahitians also sought ‘curiosities’ from the other Polynesian islands which the Resolution had visited, preferring these to English trade goods. They followed Hitihiti [Tahitian, from Bora Bora. Picked up at Raiatea, Society Islands, by Captain Cook on the Resolution, in September 1773 and returned in June 1774] everywhere and listened to the tales of his adventures with rapt attention, although they dismissed his accounts of white ‘rocks’ and ‘stones’ that melted into fresh water, and the perpetual daylight of summer

• p 253: v2 May; Huahine island; Indig asking for Axes not simply feathers " When trade began that morning, Cook realised that the prodigal supplies of pigs and other provisions that Ori had made available during his last visit were no longer forthcoming. The local people now expected axes for their pigs, and did not place the same high value on red feathers as the chiefly families in Tahiti. Instead, a mood of resistance and hostility was prevalent. Although many of his people hated the Borabora invaders, Ori had forged an alliance with Puni, the high chief of Borabora; since Cook was Ori’s taio, he was included in this resentment. When Cook’s men went on shore, it became clear that many of the local people did not welcome their presence. Sparrman and the Forsters went inland looking..."

• p 262 Tonga "For the rest of that day, the Tongans continued to trade curiosities, yams and other goods, and were delighted when one of their number was presented with a pair of dogs. They obligingly gave Cook and the Forsters the names of twenty islands in the surrounding seas, and some of the women slept with the sailors. Early the next morning, the Resolution left Nomuka, sailing past the volcanic island of Tofua with a lateen-rigged sailing canoe in hot pursuit, whose crew were eager to trade with the Europeans."

• p 284-285: NZ Ship Cove "On 30 October, Pedro and his people abruptly left Ship Cove, and several days later, a party of affluent strangers arrived alongside the Resolution, bringing large pieces of greenstone, cloaks, bone hand-clubs and women to barter with the British. They controlled the trade with the ship over the following days, while Cook and the Forsters carried on with their explorations. On 5 November Cook decided to go to the southern end of the inlet, to see whether it opened to the ocean. En route they met Pedro and his people, and as they rowed down Tory Channel, they found the shoreline ... When Cook and his companions landed, they were met by a short, lively old man, his face heavily tattooed in spirals, who tried to hold his people back as they jostled the sailors. Cook exchanged trade goods for weapons, cloaks and fish; and when the old man, whose name was Te Ringapuhi, told him that this channel opened to the sea, he decided to carry on up the inlet. "

• p 325-326 Nomuka 1 May " As soon as the boats had been hoisted back on board they sailed for Nomuka, followed by canoes from the surrounding islands loaded with fruit, pigs, chickens and ‘curiosities’, including cloth, fish-hooks, baskets, weapons, musical instruments and specimens of local birds, to barter with the Europeans. ... they were soon surrounded by canoes, including two large voyaging canoes with crews of forty to fifty men each. Cook stopped the ship’s provisions, serving fresh pork and vegetables instead, and forbade his men to trade for curiosities until the ships were fully provisioned. When one of the sailors flouted this order, he also was punished with half a dozen lashes."

• p 326 Tonga - payment for labor - " The Tongan men willingly helped the sailors cut wood and fill the water barrels, although they demanded payment for every service they rendered. "

• P 352: RED FEAthers "As soon as the canoes returned from the Resolution, news of Cook’s cargo of red feathers spread like wildfire. Early the next morning the ships were surrounded by craft of all sizes, their crews clamouring to barter for feathers. At first a tiny bunch of red feathers purchased a large pig, but since almost all of the sailors had some feathers to trade, these fell five times in value by nightfall. Although the high-born Tahitian women would never look at the seamen before, some succumbed to the lure of these powerful items. In the midst of the hubbub, Mai’s sister arrived alongside in a canoe loaded with pigs and fruit, weeping and calling out his name. When she came on board, he embraced her and took her below decks to hide his emotion."

• P 378: "Cook intended to make a brief visit to Puni to barter for an anchor that Bougainville had lost at Tahiti, which the local people had sent to Borabora as tribute, since he was running out of iron goods to exchange fox local produce."

• P 390: V3 Maui (shortly before C death?); "The following morning when the ships tacked back towards the island, they were surrounded by canoes that brought out quantities of breadfruit, taro, sweet potatoes and a few pigs, enough to feed the crews for several days. Cook was running out of iron goods, and wanted to control the terms of trade as long as possible. He knew that once the men were ashore, they would barter iron for sex and the price of provisions would soar. Clerke was ill, and they had more than 200 men to feed and keep under control. He headed out to sea, tantalising the crews by staying offshore until their supplies of fresh provisions were almost exhausted."

Thomas: Commerce

• • Garden: pp xxi-xxiv : detailed materl in INtro about a garden C planted in NZ: Wheat, carrots, peas, potatoes;
  • p xxiii We think of colonialism as the imposition of a European model. Cook’s garden was not much of an imposition. If it anticipated a global agricultural economy, it also harked back to a model of simple and honest rural civility that already belonged to an idealized past in England. Whatever Cook was trying to implant, the Maori would not conform to anyone else’s nostalgia. They had already leapt outside the supposed order of an old rural society, into the opportunities for trade that the British visit opened up. The trafficking that took place troubled people on both ... [continues with discution of prostituion below]
  • p xxiv: prostituion : "We do not know what exactly happened. Whatever it was must have been violent and shocking. Both Cook and Forster’s son George write, not of a specific incident, but in general terms. Both see what has taken place not just as a particular misfortune, but as an instance of a greater wrong that they and their voyage are implicated in. What is reported is cross-cultural sex. In itself, this is unremarkable. At Tahiti, a commerce between sailors and local women had quickly developed during the visit of Cook’s predecessor, the island’s European ‘discoverer’, Samuel Wallis. When the Endeavour arrived there to observe the transit of Venus, Cook, it appears, was almost alone in refraining from taking a Tahitian lover. Common seamen, the officers, Joseph Banks and others felt no compunction about forming temporary attachments. Similarly, when Cook first called at Queen Charlotte Sound, a few sailors had slept with a few women. What changed between his first and second sojourns was the interest that Maori men took in the business. They had previously been indifferent. Now, according to both Cook and Forster, they began to compel their women to prostitute themselves. [quoting] Cook and Forster: "... but for the authority and menaces of their men, [the women, Forster wrote] would not have complied with the desires of a set of people who could, with unconcern, behold their tears and hear their complaints. Whether the members of a civilized society, who could act such a brutal part, or the barbarians who could force their own women to submit to such indignity, deserve the greatest abhorrence, is a question not easily to be decided. Encouraged by the lucrative nature of this infamous commerce, the New Zeelanders went through the whole vessel, offering their daughters and sisters promiscuously to every person’s embraces, in exchange for our iron tools, which they knew could not be purchased at an easier rate." [end quote] Today, it is not possible to know whether this really became a pattern of behaviour or whether there were just one or two occasions when coercion was manifest. Forster and Cook were not immune from the impulse to pronounce a generality on the basis of some possibly exceptional event. But it is most unlikely that they would have written in these terms at all had not some women made it painfully clear that they hated being used sexually by strangers, by alien white men, who were probably both desperate and careless. At Tahiti, women who were not willing simply refused sailors and that was that. At the time, there was argument about how reprehensible sexual contacts at Tahiti were, and that issue can be argued today. But what happened in New Zealand was different: all we know suggests that it was marked by immediate and unmistakable violence. For Forster, this commerce exposed the joint brutality of mariners and indigenous men.

• • p xxiv : Prostitution & Consenusal Sex: "What is reported is cross-cultural sex. In itself, this is unremarkable. At Tahiti, a commerce between sailors and local women had quickly developed during the visit of Cook’s predecessor, the island’s European ‘discoverer’, Samuel Wallis. When the Endeavour arrived there to observe the transit of Venus, Cook, it appears, was almost alone in refraining from taking a Tahitian lover. Common seamen, the officers, Joseph Banks and others felt no compunction about forming temporary attachments. Similarly, when Cook first called at Queen Charlotte Sound, a few sailors had slept with a few women. What changed between his first and second sojourns was the interest that Maori men took in the business. They had previously been indifferent. Now, according to both Cook and Forster, they began to compel their women to prostitute themselves. "

• • p xxxv: Maori were not static or homogenous: "In fact, archaeological evidence suggests that Maori production systems, settlement patterns, trade and social relations were changing. This society was not ‘modern’ (it lacked a state, a public sphere, markets and ideas of citizenship) but it was certainly not static. It is obvious that Pacific Islanders young and old, male and female, warriors and priests met Europeans on different terms and had different interests in meeting them or avoiding them."

• • p 14-15: GlobalizatioN: "In 1768 Cook’s London was nothing if not a world city, at once a place of corruption and luxury, experimental knowledge, the frippery of Francophile fashion, a new kind of public painting, pervasive prostitution, violence and poverty. Privileged Londoners had access to science, music, the theatre, and more books than had ever before been published anywhere, but considered nothing to be as extraordinary as their own opportunities to shop. ‘A Man who has Money, may have at once every delicate, every dainty, and every ornamental Beauty of the four Quarters of the World. Asia, Europe, Africa and America are ransacked to indulge the Inhabitants in every Luxury,’ a journalist remarked in the early 1770s. Even the ‘Common Drink’ of the English peasant was, he observed, made of a Chinese plant and West Indian sugar. The consumerism that London remains besotted with, like the globalization that is still a buzz word, was very much in evidence in the second half of the eighteenth century, as for that matter were some of the people who were both victims and agents of global trade. There may have been 7,000 blacks in Cook’s metropolis; there were certainly many in his own maritime neighbourhoods."

• • p 15: " Europeans at this time were thinking and writing increasingly about how people, and whole populations, differed. In some cases differences were presumed to be primarily physical; in others they were manifest rather in the temper and ‘genius’ — meaning the singular character — of some set of people. Debate about human variety and its causes was often both speculative and practical. The most general questions of global geography, climates, manners and useful arts were discussed by authors who were not dilettantes, but the advocates or critics of particular colonial enterprises and branches of trade. The local and the remote, the familiar and the unfamiliar, the places mariners came from, and those they searched out, all entered into kinds of writing that lay behind many eighteenth-century maritime ventures, and notably behind voyages of discovery such as that of the Endeavour.

• • p 24: Brit kept info ssecrete to guard possible future trading: [Wallis on Dolphin before Cook] "A further piece of information that came back with Wallis featured in no public report. This was the sighting of mountains to the south, as Tahiti was approached. ‘We was now fully persuaded that this was a part of the southern continent,’ George Robertson had written on 20 June 1767; but on the departure from the island, Wallis was preoccupied with his own sickness and that of other men, and made no attempt to confirm that land existed, instead sailing east for a faster voyage home. The apparent sighting seems to have been kept secret to diminish the possibility that rival expeditions might take prior possession or be the first to open up trade with the new land. Cook’s additional instructions resembled Byron’s and Wallis’s in directing him to seek ‘a Continent or Land of great extent’, but now there was a difference. For the first time, this land had a definite location, and — if Tahiti was taken to be representative — it was indeed a place of superabundance.

• • p 44: Brazil protects trade: " One of the ironies was that Banks and Solander did understand botany and natural history as profitable endeavours, albeit only in the longer term. Discoveries of useful plants would create new possibilities for trade; certain species might be transplanted to Europe or to other colonies, hence industry generally would be improved. They resented de Moura’s refusal to let them spend time ashore during the stay.

• • p 52: 1st voyage: tierra del fuego " Cook’s interest in this point probably derived from the larger issue of commerce, the larger question that de Brosses and others had broached. There were resources here that might — that soon would — tempt traders, and the question of whether the ‘natives’ already trafficked and were thus predisposed to trade was important.

• • P 66: v1 Tahiti: Cook's personality: playfulness vs serious: " On 28 April Purea appeared, received a variety of gifts, and was delighted by a doll which Cook told her was a representation of his wife. This playfulness is not characteristic. It suggests that Cook could, at least occasionally, suspend seriousness of purpose and enjoy the humour and the surprises of a cross-cultural meeting"

• • P 66 v1 Tahiti: "From the beginning of the encounter, commoner women were ‘very Kind In all Respects’ as Wilkinson put it, meaning that they willingly engaged in sexual traffic — as they had during the visit of the Dolphin. Other kinds of barter proceeded. Tutaha visited on several occasions, bringing welcome gifts of pigs and other foods, taking cloth and iron in return. Sometimes barter failed. The ship’s butcher, Henry Jeffs, violently threatened a woman called Tomio or Tamaio, a relative by marriage of Purea’s, after she refused to give hima stone axe for a nail. "

• • p 69 v1 Tahiti: "The Europeans could think like this about Tahiti as long as they put political and practical matters out of their minds. Tutaha was pressing his point: it became evident to the mariners that they depended absolutely upon his goodwill for supplies of provisions. On 8 May Green-and Molyneux took the pinnace some twenty miles to the east along Tahiti’s north coast, and attempted at many places to trade for turtles and pigs. Everywhere people said that they all belonged to Tutaha and that they could not dispose of them without his permission. This is unlikely to have been true. "

• • p 71 v1 tahiti: "Before any of that, things remained to be done at Tahiti. There were disciplinary problems to be dealt with. While most officers were preoccupied with the transit, Archibald Wolf, a Scottish able seaman, had stolen a large quantity of spike nails from the stores, which he and others urgently required to buy the sexual attention of Tahitian women. Cook, who remained anxious to control trade and secure the ship’s supply of food, punished him with twice the usual number of lashes. A week later he flogged two other men who were so desperate to acquire local curiosities that they stole bows, arrows and a tamau —a sacred head-dress made out of more than a mile of braided human hair.

• • p 73: v1 tahiti: " Further tension arose a few days later when seamen collecting ballast began taking stones from a marae, which locals protested — the place, of course, was sacred. Trade almost ceased with the people of the district, though Purea and visitors of rank from elsewhere continued to make and receive occasional gifts. They seem

• • p 78: v1 : Tahiti: LANGUAGE (learning by crew) "Language was at once vital to the emergence of familiarity and a mark of it. Vocabularies of some hundreds of basic terms for body parts, numbers, foods, objects, plants, planetary bodies, actions and so forth were recorded. No European acquired fluency or sophistication in Tahitian, but it appears most were able to communicate in a rudimentary way. There was evidently some more complex conversation that touched upon the detail and the purposes of practices, and the reasons for events having occurred. And the mariners made the most of their Tahitian. Just as they relished the local pork, deliciously cool coconuts and sweet breadfruit, those who wrote journals embraced the smattering of the language they had acquired, noting that they passed ‘morais’, saw ‘heivas’, witnessed sacrifices to ‘eatuas’ and so on."

• • p 88 v1 tah: "In a draft of this journal entry, Cook provided detail that he chose to omit from the official record. He says that he ‘got Tobia to tell them that we was their friends and only come to get water and to trade with them and that if they offer’d to insult us we could with ease kill them all’. Cook may have considered this a judicious combination of greeting and threat

• • p 89 v1 tah: " Cook noted that those Maori who now came across the stream ‘would willingly have exchanged their arms for ours but would not part with them on any other condition’. Part of the problem, in other words, was that he was attempting to impose terms of trade that stipulated that a bead or nail was worth a club or spear. The Maori saw that Cook and his kind carried swords and guns — the latter approximately resembled their own longer clubs, even if their use was not yet fully grasped. They wanted to exchange like for like, and only when this barter was refused did they snatch at the mariners’ weapons. Trade broke down before it had really begun, not because the Maori were committed to attacking the intruders, but (at least in part) because Cook was unwilling to start handing over swords and muskets. If this is not surprising, neither is it so that the Maori valued their own weapons as highly as he valued his."

• • p 97 v1: " 21 October, at Anaura, Cook was encouraged enough to land again for the first time in ten days. Banks indicates that the people were at first cautious. They ‘sat by our people but did not intermix with them’ and sought Tahitian cloth rather than European commodities in trade. They had their own barkcloth in limited quantities — tiny strips used in ear ornaments — because the appropriate trees scarcely grew in this climate, which was considerably colder than Tahiti’s. Cook’s seamen, eager to obtain clubs and paddles, were unwittingly bringing Maori into contact again with ..

• • p 100: "He had been told to take possession of lands, and in this sense he was a colonizer, but Cook’s colonial interventions in Maori life were tentative and tactical. He was not authorized to make the Maori subject to European law, and he well understood that he was in no position to do so. He tried to cultivate ‘friendship’, meaning trade, and would deploy force if friendship, or trade, failed, but he tried to do no more than manage the meeting. He presumed that the Maori governed their own lives and would continue to do so. He did not see himself creating ..

• • p 104: v1 NZ "On 16 January, a ‘very snug cove’ was found with a safe anchorage, ‘a fine stream of excellent water, and as to Wood the land here is one intire forest’. Seemingly ideal, though the people encountered were at first ‘inclineable to quarrel’ rather than trade. They became more friendly the following morning. While most of the crew were occupied painting the careened ship with protective oils and resins,

• • p 108: v1 NZ? Motuara Indig refuse to sell: "Reservations were expressed, too, about the barter in provisions that Cook was vigorously engaged in while carpenters and ironworkers repaired various components of the ship. Few gardens were seen around Motuara, but the fishing grounds were evidently rich, and in one island pa Cook found ‘split & hanging up to dry a prodigious quantity of various sorts of small fish’, some portion of which he purchased on 26 January. A week later he went back to the same place and bought a good deal more, but evidently pushed the opportunity too far: ‘at last the Old men fairly told him that.he must go away or he would leave them without provisions, which they enforced by some threats’. Even this brief visit tested local resources, raising the question in the minds of the men who managed these communities of whether the costs of contact were greater than any reward."

• • pp 108-109: v1 NZ: Homsexual sex: NZ maori tried to supply boy to crewman who thorugh he paid for woman: " Another sort of traffic was evidently under way. On the same day that Cook was warned off his barter, ‘One of our gentlemen’, Banks reports, probably meaning one of the lieutenants, returned to the ship fulminating against the Maori, who he said were ‘given to the detestable Vice of Sodomy’. His grounds for this accusation were that he had met a family and paid, he thought, to spend time with a young woman, but the young person who ‘willingly retird’ with him turned out to be a boy. When he complained, a second was sent who was also male. Complaining again, ‘he could get no redress but was laught at by the Indians’. Banks was unconvinced by the charge against the whole nation: ‘in my humble opinion this story proves no more than that our gentlemen was fairly trickd out of his cloth, which none of the young ladies chose to accept of on his terms, and the master of the family did not chuse to part with’."

• • p 109: v1 NZ: Maori trading: theivery was justified? "The common thread behind all these transactions or failed transactions, in heads, cloth, fish, beads, trinkets and sex was that the Maori keenly wanted what Europeans had to offer, but rather doubted that it was worth what Europeans demanded. Exchange was therefore energetic, but unstable and replete with misgivings. The Maori impulse, not only here in Totaranui, but during the whole period of the Endeavour’s circumnavigation of New Zealand, was to take without giving, not because the Maori did not understand barter but because they did and too often thought they were getting a bad deal.

• • p 182-183: v1 NZ: "These people seemed healthier, bigger and richer than those already encountered. Their ornaments and weapons were of different sorts and they had fine, elegantly patterned cloaks, well lined with dogskin, that ‘might have passed for the work of a much more polished nation’, George Forster thought. Not only the natural historians, but the common seamen were impressed by these people and what they had to barter. The sailors avidly gave up things Cook thought they needed for objects that he did not rate. ‘A trade soon commenced between our people and these, it was not possible to hinder the former from giving their clothes from of their backs for the merest trifles, things that were neither usefull nor curious, such was the prevailing passion for curiosities and caused me to dismiss these strangers sooner than I would have done.’ In the course of the first voyage, discipline had broken down and men had been flogged when the Endeavour had entered port and the ship’s social regimes ceased to be self-contained. Here, this happened again, when the vessel was briefly a marketplace, inhabited by new actors and new things. Cook could presumably have suppressed the trade, had he really wanted to, as at other places he did subject barter to rigorous regulation, in order to sustain the supply of provisions. That was not at issue at this time, and; if the captain was irritated by the sailors’ indiscriminate ‘passion’, he evidently thought it was better indulged than frustrated.

• • P 187: v2 Tahiti: Vaitepiha Bay (not their normal landing spot at Matavai): "Something like 100 canoes came off to the Resolution and Adventure, even while the ships were finding their way towards an anchorage. Coconuts, plantains and breadfruit were enthusiastically exchanged for beads and nails. Tahitian fish-hooks, axes and tools were eagerly acquired."

• • p 188: v2 location?? "f. Over the subsequent days, hundreds visited the ship and immense quantities of vegetable foods, as well as barkcloth, baskets, mats and tools were exchanged for beads, nails and knives. There was some pilfering. Some people identified as culprits were whipped, or chased off the ship with a whip, which, according to Forster, ‘they bore very patiently’. Whether they really did so, this violence does not appear to have offended the Tahitians generally. Despite his prior experience here, Cook must have made himself susceptible to manipulation by repeatedly asking after chiefs or kings, whom he hoped would regulate trade and organize a supply of pork. Tahitians of higher rank were, however, in no rush to renew their relations with the British, but some men of the commoner class obviously amused themselves

• • p 196: v2 " On the course east and then north to Tahiti, Cook’s men had been bored, cold and discontented. Cook had promised them diversion and pleasure, which they got. He too enjoyed Tahiti, but was preoccupied from the start by the tricky management of trade and the issue of how theft could be discouraged and prevented; and whether and how far, once it had occurred, it had to be tolerated or punished. Not least, he had to manage his own exasperation. He had to deal with the crisis, happily resolved soon enough, on the reef; he had to pursue chiefs and persuade them to do business; he had the stresses of keeping his own people, and trying to tease out Tahitian politics,

• • p 198: v2 "On succeeding days there was much trade. Ori sent Cook gifts of food every day. Yet not all the people of Huahine were as friendly as the chief. On 6 September, a trading party was harrassed by a warrior who brandished a club in each hand. Cook challenged this man himself, seized his clubs, broke them and with some difficulty sent him away.

• • p 205 v2 Tasmania? "The ships first anchored off the former, where people appeared in great numbers, traded enthusiastically and welcomed Cook and a party ashore. They examined fields and houses, were treated to a kava ceremony and a dance, and proceeded the next day to Tongatapu, where people were equally friendly. Cook was annoyed, as he had been in New Zealand, by the eagerness of the crew to trade for ‘Cloth and curiosities, things which I did not come here for and for which the Seamen only bartered away their clothes’. He absolutely prohibited traffic in artifacts and the like and was gratified when, the next day, the Tongans instead brought fruit, pigs and fowl to barter.

• • pp 213-214: v2 Maori fighting amongst themselves to gain materials (esp green stone) to trade with Europeans: " Forster’s report is consistent with what is otherwise known. Cook remarked upon avid interest in greenstone in particular. And, in the wake of the traffic in Tonga, the craze for collecting appears to have been at its height. By the third week in November, the Resolution had been at Meretoto for more than a fortnight. Many out of the roo-strong complement had been engaged in daily barter with some 150 Maori. It is entirely conceivable that these people had exhausted their supplies of personal ornaments and precious greenstone, and plausible that they should renew conflict with customary enemies, in order to gain further supplies. The likeli trade with Europeans was the stimulus for this aggression is enhanced by the very keen interest that some Maori here evidently had in their acquisitions from Europeans. Both the Tahitian barkcloth and the red baize that Cook alone could give seemed special forms of their own highly valued clothes and capes. Some, who had things they had acquired stolen back from them by the seamen, were sufficiently aggrieved to take their complaints to Cook, who flogged one of the sailors responsible, but was unable to retrieve the things that now belonged to the Maori."

• • p 226: v2 Marquesa islands: "Somewhat later ‘a man who seem’d of some consequence’ came out and sold a pig. The next day a cautious and fearful trade took place on the beach. Cook met a man he thought was a chief, exchanged presents and thought that ‘a good under Standing Seemed to be settled between us’; further trade took place. A village was visited, and Cook taken to the house of the man who had been shot. He was sorry that the man’s son had fled upon their approach. ‘I wanted much to have seen him to have made him a present and by other kind treatment convinced him and the others that it was not from any bad design we had against the Nation we had kill’d his father.’ How the youth might have responded is anyone’s guess.... Certainly, the values that European gifts possessed were uncertain. Cook took a boat to another bay to the south and obtained eighteen pigs. When he came back he found that trade had somehow become ‘spoil’d’ in his absence; he learned that officers had been ashore exchanging things, which were new to Marquesans and which interested them keenly. These new things seem not to have been European objects, but things obtained from other Polynesian islands that they recognized as singular forms of their own artifacts, or things that they valued that were much rarer here than elsewhere. ‘What ruined our Market the most was one of them giving for a Pig a very large quantity of Red feathers he had got at Amsterdam [i.e. Tongatapu], which these people much value and which the other did not know, nor did I know at this time that Red feathers was what they wanted, and if I had I could not have supported this trade in the manner it was begun one day.’ In fact, Cook had learned elsewhere that Polynesians generally valued red things — red was a tapu colour associated with intense sanctity, and high rank — and he had seen people wearing feather ornaments, and seen highly valued things adorned with feathers. But neither he nor anyone else on this voyage understood that feathers were intimately associated with gods and demi-gods, who were supposed to be born as bloody miscarriages, covered in feathers. In the Marquesas, chicken feathers were commonly used in head-dresses but were not special. The bright yellow and red feathers of small parrots, which were sought and caught in deep forests and high

• • p 230: v2 Tahiti: "Cook understood, of course, that Polynesians befriended Europeans in part because they wanted the things they could get from them, just as he befriended them in order to facilitate gifts of food. But taio friendship and name-exchange entailed much more than a flow of trifles or food, and to recognize that these relationships had a utilitarian side was to stop short of grasping their appeal or their effect. There was something going on in these islands, a sea-change in politics, that capitalized upon new cults such as that of Oro, and the appearance of new voyagers, new artifacts, new kinds of cloth, and new trade relations. This sea-change began before the arrival of Europeans. Although not a product of European contact, it was dramatically accelerated and distorted by it. It was not Cook’s nails, knives and axes that high chiefs such as Tu really needed. What they were trying to collect, control and assimilate was rather his name, his image and an idea of his prestige. This name or idea was not something Cook had made, or deliberately introduced. It was nota British invention but a Tahitian one, something that they valued in their own terms, that could be circulated and held up, with feather sashes that signified claims to marae, to titles, and to tribute

• • p 232: v2 Tahiti "Cook was less concerned by the moral implications of the eagerness for feathers than pleased that they were in such demand. The island appeared to have recovered from the state of post-war scarcity it had been in during the previous visit. There were plenty of pigs, but the Resolution’s stocks of trade goods were much reduced. Had feathers not been collected in Tonga, had they not fortuitously possessed such value here, Cook would have found it difficult to obtain the quantities of food he needed."

• • p238: v2 Inidg considere C & crew as spirits: "hand, which [he] exchanged for the one I held in my hand’. This was thought to be a token of peace, and shortly afterwards a small pig was presented to Cook, which he hoped marked the beginning of a trade. It was probably, however, a sacrifice, offered because Cook and his men were presumed to be ghosts. They were repeatedly addressed as tamar or tamach, which meant spirits in the local language. Some men splashed water over their heads as boats approached, to ritually dispel dangerous sacredness. Others were blackened, which was a sign of mourning, and perhaps thought appropriate to the reappearance of the dead...

• • p 264: England before v3: "..., but the expedition would have far broader ambition. Its conception, in several senses, reflected that of the second voyage, in that it aimed to resolve an equally long-standing geographic question, to potentially spectacular commercial advantage. Trade with Chinese ports was of considerable and growing importance to the eighteenth-century European economy; yet east Asia could be reached only via a slow, often fatally unhealthy passage around southern Africa and across the Indian ocean. It had long been imagined that a northern route from the Atlantic and Pacific was there to be found, which would enable quicker voyages and a more profitable trade. By the 1770s, some fifty voyages had at one time or another set off to search north American coasts for this North-West Passage, but the moment was one of renewed optimism, in both England and France.

• • p 287: in Engl at start of v3: Loading ship with livestock: "...Cook re-embarked the sheep and cattle, and moreover enlarged the menagerie: ‘To which I added two young Bulls, two Heifers, two young stone Horses, two Mares, two Rams, several Ewes and Goats and some Rabbits and Poultry’ — which apparently included turkeys, geese, ducks, guinea fowl, ‘& one Peacock and Hen’ - ‘all of them intended for New Zealand, Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands’ or wherever ‘there was a prospect that the leaving of some of them might prove usefull to posterity’. Given that the care of these animals on board entailed much additional work, inconvenience, fouler air and general unpleasantness — which by now had been experienced rather than just anticipated — it is remarkable that Cook should have gone so far beyond his obligation to carry the stock supplied by the King, so far as to supplement it with four horses as well as further cattle and diverse other creatures. It is notable that he does not see the beasts simply as usefully prestigious gifts to Polynesian chiefs: he might have thought that they would be surprised, impressed and pleased to receive them, but he would have said so, had some equine or bovine diplomacy been uppermost in his mind. We cannot avoid concluding that the prospective contribution ‘to posterity’ was of peculiar personal importance to him: he was understanding his voyage as a charitable one, he wanted his actions to be understood as charitable ones, and his imagining of charity had been inflected, his old interests and inclinations I suspect been reinforced, by further conversation before departure with Banks, who had remained as restlessly interested as always in the introduction of ‘useful’ animals and plants to appropriate climates and populations. Over the London winter and spring, Cook’s ambitions had become wider. The ‘completion’ of the whole system of discovery certainly loomed large among them, but the improvements he sought would not be exclusively in the domain of geography, but also that of ‘oeconomy’ (a capacious notion that encompassed sociality and morality as well as economics): Pacific Islanders would enjoy more and better foods, and have more and better to trade; more trade, maybe more civility. There was no mercenary scheme here, but a grander notion, and Cook had his eye

• • p 309: v3 NZ (fist visit, ignoreing 11 deaths) " He gathered that injuries done to a father would never be forgotten, that the grievance would be nursed by the son, for however long, until the opportunity for revenge arose. Though people were mutually hostile, he saw that they had a system of calling on each other to trade. They traded various things, but most notably the pounamu or jade. This was highly valued, and came, he thought, from only one source. He was sorry not to have the chance to visit it, ‘as we were told a hundred fabulous stories about this Stone’. He had previously admitted that he had no idea what, if any, religion the Maori had. He now made some tentative observations, making implicit comparison with Tahitians. Unlike them, they had no marae ‘or other places of publick worship’, but there were priests, who would address the gods, soliciting success in war, fishing and other enterprises. He understood that prohibitions upon eating were on some occasions very rigorously observed. He saw pieces of hair attached to the branches of trees, near their houses, and guessed this was done for some religious reason, ‘but what these notions are I never could learn’.

• • p 314: v3 "They would also control European visitors, who might be welcomed or allowed to stay, who might be warned off or killed, who might at best see this or that by accident, but who would not be suffered to go wherever they pleased, to inspect things and take things, without being ‘in some measure naturaliz’d’. The poignant thing was that as soonas visitors began to be ‘naturaliz’d’, hosts began to be ‘corrupted’ —as they had been in Tahiti, Tonga, New Zealand and elsewhere. By 1777, those peoples could — after moments of violence, pacification and much trade — be observed at leisure, but observations of them were no longer salient to the same thing, they did not display the ‘dictates of nature’. With...

• • p 316: v3 Tonga (Nomuka Isl) " His first anxiety had been to control traffic, and he immediately gave orders that certain people were to have the exclusive management of barter, that no one else was to trade either off the ship or on the shore, and expressly that ‘no curiosities should be purchased till the Ships were suppled with Provisions and leave give for that purpose’. He had been favourably impressed by his ‘Friendly Islands’ in 1773 and 1774. The sense that there was an unusual standard of civility here was quickly reinforced in many ways, though the order behind that civility was obscure. Lord North’s apparent authority notwithstanding, a higher chief named Finau appeared. He was introduced to Cook as king of all Tonga. They exchanged further gifts, and Finau dined on board, several times. The horses were landed to graze. Precautions were taken, but people felt secure....By 11 May it appeared that they had obtained just about everything that Nomuka could provide, and Cook therefore sailed on Finau’s advice north towards the Ha’apai group. They reached Lifuka on 17 May. Here Finau and Kepa

• • p 319 v3 Tonga (Nomuka ?) " [chief] Paulaho visited the ship, and surprised Cook by asking ‘several pertinent questions one of which was “what brought us to these islands”’’. His response emphasized, according to the surgeon William Ellis, that he came from a ‘great and mighty prince’ who wanted friendship and had things to trade. Paulaho allegedly was well satisfied, though he might have been more impressed had the great prince appeared in person. They ate on board. Cook accompanied the chief ashore, where they entered a house and Paulaho received a number of people, including some who offered up things they had obtained through trade with the ships. He heard their reports, he seemed to approve, he gave their things back, apart from one glass bowl.

• • p 323-324: v3 Tonga: Animal breeding: "Exactly how this was translated, we have no notion, but it reflects Cook’s interest in a particular posterity. On this occasion, or another, the commercial value of future beasts was communicated to Paulaho, if not also to the others. ‘It always was a favourite conversation of the King’s, the riches he should gain by these Animals, inquiring of us how much Iron & other things future ships would give for a Bullock,’ James King recorded. For Cook, the breeds would provide the Tongans with both food and trade, but they would become also living monuments to the generosity of Britain. He was mindful of the ‘vast trouble’ that they had given him, but here, as in the Antarctic, it took trouble to make history. ... Unfortunately some Tongans were not satisfied and the next day stole a goat and two turkey-cocks. Cook was ‘determined to have them again’. He immediately impounded several canoes, went ashore, and finding Paulaho, Finau and other chiefs together in a house, ‘put a guard over them’, and told them he would not let them leave, until these creatures and other things that had been stolen were brought back. The chiefs maintained their composure, ‘sat down and drank their Cava without any measure of restraint’, and assured him that everything would be returned. Yet armed men began to assemble behind the house. Some marines forced them away, but Cook must have felt that it was too dangerous to remain there, so he asked his aristocractic hostages aboard for dinner, which some agreed to.

• • pp 336-337 v3 Tahiti (?) : Animals breeding: "Cook visited Pare, called on Tu, and saw the Spanish bull; he conceded that ‘a finer beast than he was I hardly ever saw’; he may have consoled himself, that however fine, the bull was little use without the cow that had been given with him, but lost; he made his own presentations, of peacock and hen, turkeys, drake and ducks. [quote] The next day I sent the three Cows I had on board to the Bull, the Bull, the Horse and Mare and Sheep I put a shore at Matavai. And now found my self lightened of a very heavy burden, the trouble and vexation that attended the bringing of these Animals thus far is hardly to be conceived. But the satisfaction I felt in having been so fortunate as to fulfill His Majestys design in sending such usefull Animals to two worthy Nations sufficiently recompenced me for the many anxious hours I had on their account. [end quote] This philanthropy accomplished, a camp was established, the Discovery’s damaged mainmast got ashore, sails and water casks were repaired, the ...until the warmer months of the following year, this would be an extended visit, the longest of any of Cook’s visits to the Society Islands. At Tahiti the experience was, in general, more comfortable and less fraught than before, because the abundance of the most desired trade goods, and apparent abundance on the island, meant that chiefs and people were no longer unwilling to trade pigs and bring other sorts of provisions; because Cook no longer had to cajole, associated tensions diminished. At the end of August there was a report that Spanish vessels had returned to Vaitepiha, which caused brief alarm.

• • p 357 v3 Hawaii, 1st visit: Waimea " but there was abundant evidence ‘that these people have nearly the same Notions of Religion’, the same as Tahitians, it goes without saying. They examined the whole place. Webber drew it; they returned via a different route to the beach, where trade proceeded, marked by great ‘honisty’ and the absence of any sort of cheating, Cook noted. The following day the wind turned, it rained, and the sea was choppy; landing was impossible, but people came out and traded from canoes. Cook tried to move further offshore, but winds changed again, and he was obliged to sail further away. "

• • p 357: v3: HI 1st visit: Nihau/Kauai: Sexual consent: based on high rank of sailors, NOT a business deal: "This ‘very thing’ had probably already occurred, off Kauai. The women there had seemed desperately eager, for probably the same reason that Tahitian commoner women had initially offered themselves to British sailors: this was a way of forming an advantageous affiliation with persons perceived to be of high rank. The evident interest of the women no doubt fuelled the desire of the men, and Edgar wrote that it had been impossible to keep them off the ship: some men had employed subterfuges, such as having the women dressed as men, ‘& calling them their Tio’s’. Samwell acknowledged the seriousness of Cook’s injunction on this occasion, but characteristically celebrated a woman named Walako’i, whose apparent status as a priestess was ‘no bar to the Performance of her Devotions at the Temple of Venus, for like the rest of her Countrywomen she scrupled not to"

• • p 358: v3 1st visit to HI, Kauai? Animals & Gardens: "The next day, those ashore were retrieved and Cook left goats, ‘a Boar and Sow pig of the English breed’, and melon, pumpkin and onion seeds with a man who appeared to possess some status. On 2 February, the ships shaped a north-easterly course, towards the coast of America, and Cook reviewed the new and remarkable discovery of what he thought was a group of five islands: Oahu, which he had only glimpsed, Kauai, which he called Atoui, Niihau, and two rocky islets. He did not yet know that the archipelago extended hundreds of miles to the south-east and included five other substantial islands, Lanai, Molokai, Kahoolawe, Maui, and what locals today call ‘the big island’ of Hawaii itself. Even so, the group was impressive; and Cook would not have named it after the first Admiralty lord, the Earl of Sandwich, had he not rated it among his most significant discoveries.

• • p 362: V3 Nookta Sound: "They struck him at first as ‘mild and inoffensive’; they wanted iron, which they evidently knew, and traded readily, remaining alongside the Resolution throughout the night. The following day, 30 March, Cook found a ‘pretty snug cove’. Trade continued, marked by ‘the Strictest honisty’. The people offered skins and furs of many sorts, bark clothing, weapons, fish hooks, some carved objects, and human skulls and hands, which were probably trophies from inter-tribal war. The British learned a local word: makook was an imperative, meaning buy, or reciprocate. Hence, a man would throw them some fish, and say makook, give me something in return.

• • p 363: v3 Nookta Sound: [quoting modern Native historians from BC] "We were able to bind Cook to us through ceremonial welcome and gift exchange, and to establish and maintain excellent relations with the captain and his crews in the hope that we could attract more visitors. We were very pleased with the trade that ensued, being able to exchange a few trifling furs, combs, spoons and hats for items we greatly valued, in particular iron, axes, and cloth ... our visitors stayed with us longer [than the Spaniard Juan Perez, who had passed the Sound in 1774], and we were able to gain a better understanding of these men in ‘floating houses’."

• • p 363: " he noticed, and gathered that the people they had encountered first had cunningly monopolized trade. Those who arrived from elsewhere were forced, it appeared, to trade through them, they raised the prices of what they had to offer, they went off in canoes for some days to get more of the furs that Cook’s crew particularly sought, and they mixed water with the oil that they sold. Yet, Cook considered, ‘it was always better to put up with...

• P 36x : v3 Alasak: Nookta were not interested in trinkets/beads, they wanted metal: brass & iron. More sophisiticated (and demands for more valuable goods) than Polynesians.

• • p 365: v3 Alasak Nookta are shrewd negotiators: "Cook found that this shrewd approach to commerce extended to the commonest things ashore. He sent a party to cut grass, and did not anticipate that this would trouble anyone; but the men who began the task were stopped by people, who insisted that they had to makook, to pay for it. Cook went to the spot himself, and found some dozen men who all made claims. He paid them, expecting that his people then would be able to cut anywhere, yet encountered further demands, ‘there was not a blade of grass that had not a seperated owner, so that I very soon emptied my pockets with purchasing, and when they found I had nothing more to give they let us cut where ever we pleased’. ‘The very wood and water we took on board they at first wanted us to pay for,’ he added, remarking that nowhere else had he encountered the notion that every natural production was ‘their exclusive property’. And the people would have been paid, he added, had he been present himself when these demands were made; but they were ignored by the crew, and the people after a while got tired of asking, yet later ‘made a Merit on necessity and frequently afterwards told us they had given us Wood and Water out of friendship’. The negotiations and tensions around property were, as they long had been, triangular, since Cook tended to respect native claims that his crew did not; or rather, they probably had many angles, which are no longer all visible to us..."

• • p 371: v3 Alaska: near modern Anchorage: Russian trade: "As if to compound Cook’s frustration, a careless watch led to the ship being grounded on the way downriver and occasioned further delay, relieved only by trade with Aboriginal people, who had manufactured knives, which suggested contact with Russian traders, and who brought good salmon and halibut. Cook wrote that they were ‘of the same nation’ as the people encountered in Prince William Sound,..."

• • p 376: v3 conclusion: Cook's irrationality: "Cook’s third voyage has often been seen as one marked by the growing, indeed the enveloping fatigue of the great navigator. It is supposed that Cook suffered lapses in his abilities, curiosity and decisiveness; more antagonistic commentators claim that he became detached, irrational, and violent. It is not hard to understand why the tale has been told in these terms: we like it when a great character’s life exhibits a rise and fall, and may perhaps be seduced by the notion that a colonizer might collapse, like Conrad’s Kurtz, into some black hole of his own evil. But Cook’s voyages do not exhibit any such trend. Some of the worst violence occurred in New Zealand as early as 1769, when the man was supposedly saner.

• • p 376: v3 conclusion: Each location had individual level of conflict/peace:

" And the third voyage is marked by ups and downs, not by any sort of downward spiral. The terrorism of Tonga was succeeded by relatively peaceful months on Tahiti, by brief savagery on Moorea, by trauma on Raiatea, and six months of north American contacts with native peoples that were devoid of serious violence, almost devoid of tension. We understand these encounters, not by holding on to a heroic or anti-heroic notion that Cook always played the defining part, for better or worse. Things were awful, in the Tongan islands in part because a peculiarly stratified Polynesian society pressured common people to steal on behalf of their superiors — risking punishment that no commoner would otherwise risk, and that no Tahitian would expose him or herself to. Things went better than they had before at Tahiti because ..."

• • p 377: v3 conclusion: trade procedures varied depending on locatioN: "growing familiarity was accompanied by a new abundance of the trade goods that the Tahitians most earnestly desired. As both sides had more to offer, difficulties dissipated. Things were worse on both Moorea and Huahine, because the people Cook dealt with knew that his primary allegiances were with their rivals and enemies. On the north-west coast, the Europeans went about barter and soliciting sex in much the same way they had in the South Pacific. It was the native approach to these encounters that was in some cases subtly, in others dramatically, different from place to place. At Nootka, people gained more by hard bargaining than by theft. In Prince William Sound, [Alaska, East of Anchorage] they were bold but withdrew rather than risk a fight. Many Inuit practised their diplomacy: they sang and chanted and brought Europeans within their orbit. They defined Cook’s men as people they could deal with, and they dealt with them.

• • p 378: v3 HI final visit - STD xmissioN: "Cook took his usual steps, issuing orders to regulate trade, and again attempted to restrain sexual contagion. ‘And Whereas there are Venereal compaints remaining onboard the Ships, and in order to prevent as much as possible the communicating this fatal disease to a set of innocent people, it is hereby ordered that no Woman on any pretence whatever be admitted.’ Those who tried to bring women on board, or allowed them on board, were warned that they would be punished, and ‘if any person having, or suspected of having the Venereal disease or any Symptoms thereof, shall lie with any Woman, he shall also be severely punished’. A list of such people would be kept on the quarterdeck, none of whom would be allowed onshore, ‘on any pretence whatever’."

• • p 380: v3 HI:: consensual sex: "By the first days of 1779 the ships — albeit separated for a week — had rounded the island, and Cook had given up: ‘It was not possible to keep the latter’ — the women — ‘out of the Ship and no women I ever met with were more ready to bestow their favours’.

• • p 402: v3 after death: between HI and Kamchatka: TECHNOLOGY EXCHANGE "Bonito that would not go near baited European hooks were caught in abundance with Tongan trolling lures;"

• • p 402: v3 after death: between HI and Kamchatka: PROSTITUTION: men trading their clothes for sex: " in early April it became cold quickly, and the seamen, who had given away most of their clothes in trade with women, suffered. By the end of the month they reached the port of Petropavlovsk, still ice

• Talk page query re: do official orders mention Trade? https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk:James_Cook#Did_official_orders_instruct_Cook_to_establish_trade/commerce_with_indigenous?

• • Consensus so far appears to be that official orders never said anything about trade or commerce. Some biogrpaher just assume it was a background purppose of the voyages (see Thomas below); and perhaps there was an understanding that the NW passage purpose of 3rd mission was for trade ... but orders do not mention it; and biographers only mention it in passing.

• • Thomas 184-185 (Comment on Second Voyage) In the context of paying for sex: "The great aim of the programme of voyaging that the Admiralty had prosecuted with the blessing of the King had been the discovery of new lands and peoples with whom trade could in due course be opened up, to both honour and enrich Britain."

• • Thomas 154 (Although this is a comment on First Voyage). In the context of critiquing Hawkesworth's editing: "The inspection of lands visited was an essential part of Cook’s mission. Yet description depended on contact that the inhabitants of newly found places might decline or resist. The necessary negotiation or suppression of their resistance might lead to shooting, and Hawkesworth surely grasps the essentially unpredictable quality of any armed violence, when he insists that once shooting starts, no one ‘can restrain its excess, or prescribe its effect’. This was a bald, but an appalling admission. British scientists and seamen, members of a mission justified by the promise of commerce, mutual improvement and the enhancement of civilization, would somewhere be drawn to commit acts of savagery that could barely be comprehended by humane readers in Europe."

Igler Commerce

• P 22: Lots of trade already in SW pacific "Beginning in the 1500s, the commercial traffic of Asian and European nations in the southwestern Pacific distinguished itself by global commodity exchanges, long-distance voyages, and, with the Spanish galleon trade, transoceanic trade routes. China, as with many subsequent commercial affairs, propelled early oceanic trade in the Pacific. The Nanyang (“Southern Ocean”) trade in the China Sea dated back to the eleventh century, with junks departing from Guangzhou (Canton) and other ports for an arc of polities from the Gulf of Siam to Burma, Sumatra, western Java, and Borneo.'* Curtailed over the centuries by various rulers, the Nanyang trade reappeared in 1684 when the Kangxi emperor declared the south China coast open to ..."

• p 35: BC traders were experienced in negotiations, bargaining & trade BEFORE Cook arrived "Indigenous fur traders grasped the profit motive all too well, the British captain John Meares concluded in 1790: “We found to our cost” that the Indians “possessed all the cunning necessary to gains of mercantile life””? Captain Cook discovered the same tenacity among natives when he attempted to acquire basic supplies on the Northwest coast: “Thave no[where] met with Indians who had such high notions of every thing the Country produced being their exclusive property as these; the very wood and water we took on board they at first wanted us to pay for.’...

Official orders of voyages: incl references to commerce; consent; etc

• Keywords: Instructions, orders, secret, admiralty,  : Earl of Morton; consent; claim; possession; name of the king; '

• Official orders for all 3 voyages are online at
  • https://archive.org/details/the-naval-miscellany-1928-volume-3/
  • The Naval Miscellany 1928 Volume 3, edited by William Gordon Perrin, 1874-1931 pp 349-364
  • voyage 1
    • p 341 v1 instructions
    • p 347 (v1 "additioal secret instructions")
    • This Perrin source does not include "hints" from Earl of Morton
  • voyage 2 p 351 (v2 secret instructions)
  • voyage 3 p 357 (v3 secret instructions)
  • editor: William Gordon Perrin

• 1st voyage secret instructions; excerpt on TRADE (from Perrin Source p 347 ) "Whereas the making discoveries of countries hitherto unknown, and the attaining a knowledge of distant parts which though formerly discovered have yet been but imperfectly explored, will redound greatly to the honour of this nation as a Maritime Power, as well as to the dignity of the Crown of Great Britain, and may tend greatly to the advancement of the trade and navigation thereof; and whereas there is reason to imagine that a continent, or land of great extent, may be found to the southward of the tract lately made ..."

• 1st voyage: exceprt on trade &alliances: (Perrin p 348) "You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition and number of the natives, if there be any, and endeavour by all proper means to cultivate a friendship and alliance with them, making them presents of such trifles as they may value, inviting them to traffic, and shewing them every kind of civility and regard, taking care however not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always upon your guard against any accidents."

• 1st voyage excerpt on TRADE (Perrin p 348) "You are also with the consent of the natives to take possession of convenient situations in the country, in the name of the King of Great Britain ; or, if you find the country uninhabited, take possession for His Majesty by setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and possessors...."

• 1st voyage "Hints" from Earl of Morton (Royal Society) re treatment of natives- included in Salmond 2003 pp=32,57 - "On his first voyage, Cook had orders from Royal Society instructing him "To exercise the utmost patience and forbearance with respect to the Natives of the several Lands where the Ship may touch.To check the petulance of the Sailors, and restrain the wanton use of Fire Arms. To have it still in view that sheding the blood of those people is a crime of the highest nature:- They are human creatures, the work of the same omnipotent Author, equally under his care with the most polished European; perhaps being less offensive, more entitled to his favor. They are the natural, and in the strictest sense of the word, the legal possessors of the several Regions they inhabit. No European Nation has a right to occupy any part of their country, or settle among them without their voluntary consent. Conquest over such people can give no just title; because they could never be the Aggressors. "

• 2nd voyage instructions; excerpt on TRADE: ", (Perrin source p 352-353) depths and soundings of the sea, Shoals, rocks, etc., and also surveying and making charts and taking views of such bays, harbours and different parts of the coast and making such notations thereon as may be useful either to navigation or commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil and the produce thereof, the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it, the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in what plenty ; and in case there are any which are peculiar to that country you are to describe them as minutely and to make as correct drawings of them as you can. If you find any mines, minerals, or valuable stones you are to bring home specimens of each, as also of the seeds of trees, shrubs, plants, fruits and grain peculiar to the country, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to our Secretary that we may cause proper examination and experiments to be made of them. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition and number of the natives or inhabitants, if there be any, and endeavour by all proper means to cultivate a friendship and alliance with them, making them presents of such trinquets as they may value, inviting them to trafick and showing them every kind of civility and regard, but taking care nevertheless not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always upon your guard against any accidents."

• 2nd voyage; excerpt on TRADE: Perrin p 353: "You are with the consent of the natives to take possession of convenient situations in the country in the name of the King of Great Britain, and to distribute among the inhabitants some of the medals with which you have been furnished to remain as traces of your having been there. But if you find the country uninhabited you are to take possession of it for His Majesty by setting up proper marks and inscriptions as first Discoverers and Possessors..."

• 3rd voyage instructions; excerpt on TRADE: (Perrin source p 361-362 ) " You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil and the produce thereof, the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it, the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast and in what plenty, and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them as you can, and if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each, as also of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits and grains peculiar to those places as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to our Secretary that proper examination and experiments may be made ofthem. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition and number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any, and to endeavour by all proper means to cultivate a friendship with them, making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and they may like best, inviting them to traffic and shewing them every kind of civility and regard, but taking care nevertheless not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against any accidents"

• 1st voyage: Beaglehole 1974 pp 147-151: Offical orders from Navy or Royal Society almost no mention of commerce; mostly Transit of Venus, & claiming lands & look for Terra Australis.
  • Does say ( p 148) "Whereas the making Discoverys of Countries hitherto unknown, and the Attaining a Knowledge of distant Parts which though formerly discover’d have yet been but imperfectly explored, will redound greatly to the Honour of this Nation as a Maritime Power, as well as to the Dignity of the Grown of Great Britain, and may tend greatly to the advancement of the Trade and Navigation thereof; and Whereas there is reason to imagine that a Continent or Land of great extent,"
  • Beaglehole 1974 pp 148: Also 1st voyage orders say "and he [cook] was to record all the additional things of the sort he could. He was ‘to endeavour by all proper means to cultivate a friendship with the Natives, presenting them such Trifles as may be acceptable to them, exchanging with them for Provisions (of which there is great Plenty) such of the Merchandize you have been directed to Provide, as they may value, and shewing them every kind of Civility and regard. "
  • Beaglehole 1974 pp 177: "Cook had obviously given some thought to his instructions and to Lord Morton’s hints; he was anxious to regularise trade, keep up the value of his trade goods, and obviate the confusion and quarrels that would arise from lack of direction. Immediately he arrived in Matavai Bay, therefore, he issued his carefully drafted ‘Rules to be observe’d by every person in or belonging to His Majestys Bark the Endevour, for the better establishing a regular and uniform Trade for Provisions &c® with the Inhabitants of Georges Island’; and the first of these rules was “To endeavour by every fair means to cultivate a friendship with the Natives and to treat them with all imaginable humanity’. Secondly, trade for provisions was to be carried on only through a properly appointed person, except with the captain’s special leave. "
  • These mentions of "trade" for v1 seem to be focused on trading trinkets for food/provisions ... NOT for establishing lnog-term commercial trade.

• Ditto 2nd and 3rd voyages: Don't yet see any mention of establishing trade or commerce with indigenous.
  • 2nd voyage missions: (a) search for Terra Australis; (b) test Chronometer; (c) explore/map/discover
  • 3rd voyage missions were (a) return Mai to homeland; (b) NW passage; (c) test Chronometer;

• Voyage 2: beaglehole 1974 p 305: "wine, at the Cape of Good Hope for refreshment and supplies. He was to leave the Cape by the end of October or beginning of November and search for Cape Circumcision; if he found it, and it proved to be part of the continent, he was to explore as much of the continent as was possible and report on it as fully as possible (the instructions on this theme are virtually a transcript of those for his first voyage) ; then, if possible, to carry on discovery either to the east or west, as near to the South Pole as possible. If Cape Circumcision should prove to be part of an island only, he should, after examining this (or from its reported position if it was undiscoverable) stand on south so long as there seemed a likelihood of falling in with the continent, then eastward to circumnavigate the globe; after which the Cape of Good Hope, and home. When the season made continuance in high latitudes unsafe, he should retire to ‘some known place’ northwards to refresh and refit. Islands were to be surveyed, charted, taken possession of, if consequential enough; such instructions presented nothing new. The explorer had what he wanted. The chronometers were all taken ashore at Drake’s Island, checked in the portable observatories, and got going by Wales and Arnold. The Resolution would take the Kendall instrument and one of Arnold’s; the Adventure the other two of Arnold’s. At 6 a.m. on 13 July 1772 he sailed from Plymouth, the Adventure in company, and stood south-west. ‘Farewell Old England’, wrote Lieutenant Pickersgill in his journal, very large, and scribbled a not very ornamental border round the words."

• Voyage 3: Beaglehole 1974 p 390-391: "At some moment, then, probably in the six months between 10 February 1776, when Cook formally volunteered for the service, and 6 July, when his instructions were signed, all these thoughts, from Royal Society to Cook, became co-ordinated, and the plan was given its final shape.! There would be two ships. Cook should go as directly as possible to the Cape, there to refresh and take in supplies. Leaving at the end of October or beginning of November (which might be deemed early summer) he should go south to latitude 48°, search for the islands of Marion du Fresne and Kerguelen, and if possible find a good harbour there, which ‘may hereafter prove very useful, altho it should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood & water’. Thence he was to proceed to Tahiti or the Society Islands, calling at New Zealand if he thought fit. Omai was to be landed. The islands should be left at the beginning of February 1777, or sooner if Cook judged it necessary. (Not much time is being left for contrary chances, but Cook must have approved the timing.) Then without delay, or looking deliberately for new lands, to New Albion, reaching its coast at about latitude 45° N: having thus a spring and summer for the real work of the voyage. He should coast northward to ‘the Latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obstructed by Lands or Ice; taking care not to lose any time in exploring Rivers or Inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the beforementioned Latitude of 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the Month of June’, of 1777. Why 45°? Why 65° ?—we may interpolate. Because, in the first place, the necessity of refreshing again, on the American coast, was foreseen; and secondly—one is justified in thinking—though there was no faith at all in Juan de Fuca in latitude 47°-48°, or de Fonte in latitude 53°, it would be useful to ascertain the lie of the coast north of 45°, and put into it, in proper relation, the discoveries of Bering and Chirikov. It was at about 65° that the Russian Great Continent or Stachtan Nitada bulged west; here it was that Gvozdev and Sindt had landed; it was about here, or farther north, that a passage leading to Hearne’s sea must open, if one existed at all. It was here that Cook was ‘very carefully to search for, and to explore, such Rivers or Inlets as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing towards Hudsons or Baffins Bay’: even now we cannot quite get rid of Hudson Bay. The injunction seems firm and exclusive enough; however, we have the usual elasticity—‘nevertheless if you shall find it more eligible to pursue any other measures, than those above pointed out, in order to make a discovery of the beforementioned Passage (if any such there be) you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue such measures accordingly.’ If the passage should be found, sail through it; if not, winter at Petropavlovsk in Kamchatka, or somewhere better, and try again in the spring of 1778 for either a north-west, or a north-east, passage—because the latter, round Asia, between the Pacific and the North Sea, might after all be the answer. The general tenor of these instructions is, geographically, cautious: it is possible that Daines Barrington would have given a more confident ring to them; but they did give scope for triumph. If triumph was impossible, then Cook was to return to England by such route as he might think best ‘for the improvement of Geography and Navigation’. We do not know when the Admiralty was visited by a further thought on the improvement of geography and navigation; for its grand strategy was suddenly made even grander by an Atlantic addendum. Why not, some person seems to have asked, look for the passage at both ends?—and in this query Hudson Bay was excluded. Baffin Bay, however, had not been tried since Baffin himself came back defeated in 1616, ‘having coasted all, or neere all the circumference thereof’, and found it ‘to be no other then a great bay’— not been tried, that is, in the sense of closely examined for a passage leading out of it. The whalers who realised the profit that Baffin had foreseen in their trade knew something about the more southern part. The time seemed ripe for re-examination. This should occupy two seasons. In 1776 a naval vessel would be going out to the Bay for the protection of British whalers against American ships of war: the American revolt had begun in 1775, one must remember, and if Barrington had not made his plea as early as he did, it is at least doubtful whether there would have been a third Cook voyage, or supplementary voyages, at all. When the safety of the whalers had been guaranteed, this vessel should make a preliminary examination of the coasts of the Bay, returning with nautical information, surveys and charts; on the basis of which another voyage should be made in the following year, specifically to explore its western shores. In the summer of 1777 Cook was expected to be at the other end of the passage—assuming there was one. Who could know what would happen after that? The documents expressed no wild hope; but was,,.."

• Beaglehole 1974 pp 122: For example: for the 1760's voyages of the Dolphin under Byron & Wallis to the Pacific, the orders included instructions to search for a landmass that is "within Latitudes convenient for navigation and in the Climates adapted to the Produce of Commodities usefull in Commerce".

• Consent for claiming land : From MORTON: Thomas p.127 "The two phrases printed here in italics were scored through, presumably because Cook was uncertain about the ‘same rule’. As well he might have been, because his secret instructions empowered him to take possession of lands, but ‘with the Consent of the Natives’ that he had at no time sought. The Earl of Morton’s ‘Hints’ — which, as has been noted, were really a supplementary set of quasi-instructions from the voyage’s official sponsor, the Royal Society — did not touch on which territories might be taken possession of under what circumstances, but made categorical statements about the standing of native peoples: ‘They are the natural, and in the strictest sense of the word, the legal possessors of the several Regions they inhabit.’ Morton’s chief concern — which in all likelihood stemmed from some repugnance to the reports of Wallis’s conduct in Tahiti —- was to emphasize that indigenous peoples might be legitimately hostile to visiting voyagers, who should for their part use every ‘gentle method’ and avoid the use of firearms."

Diplomacy; friendly/hostile; greetings; rituals; negotiation, ransoms, coercion

• Keywords:
  • X enlightened S: 4, 144; T 146
  • X Violence
  • S 224: C had a "phlegmatic" view of violence (in war), as did many sailors,
  • X peaceful - Good, included below
  • relations
  • X tolerance - none
  • X humane
  • X punishment
  • X trade
  • X Friendships
  • X retaliation
  • Revenge
  • Retribution
  • X Ransom
  • Kidnap
  • Capture
  • X Rubbing noses; hongi
  • X Exchanging names
  • X Garden: C established gardens for benefit of locals
  • X Smallshot or "small shot" - C ordered crew to load guns with warning Smallshot that would injnur, but not kill. Crew changed to fatal balls when C was not around.
  • X Nootka- not all encounters involved violence: time in BC was peaceful? False: Salmond p 388: Crew shot some natives for stealing.

• Salmond 2003 pp 417 - 432 Final chapter "Conclusion: Our ancestor Captain Cook" is a good summary of inter-cultural issues.

Diplomacy: Notes 1, 2

• Salmond 2003 p 393 "Over the past ten years he had exchanged gifts, including his own clothing, and sometimes his name, with a series of Polynesian leaders. In the course of these exchanges, according to Pacific understandings, something of the life force of those people had entered his being. Such relationships, especially between ariki, were often turbulent and dangerous. When high chiefs came together, their ancestor gods also met. Ariki were the living representatives of the gods, and imbued with their power. A man caught between two sets of gods was ‘two-sided’, and could be torn in contradictory directions.Indeed, by this time, many of his men thought that Cook cared far too much for the islanders. As Lieutenant Williamson noted, there was a long-standing difference of opinion between Cook and many of his officers about how ‘Indians’ ought to be handled: ‘Cn Cook & I entertain’d very different opinions upon ye manner of treating indians, He asserts that he always found upon his first going among them, that ye firing with small shot answers ye purpose, but Cn Clerke & many of ye Officers that have sail’d with him declare, that ye firing with small shot always had bad effects.’’® His efforts to prevent the spread of venereal diseases had also put him at odds with the sailors. Cook’s efforts to save the lives of the ‘Indians’, although they might be admired back in Europe, had won little support among his crew; while among the islanders, his chastity and refusal to use maximum force looked like weakness. In order to maintain discipline, Cook turned to severe floggings and other forms of violence, both against his crew and the local people. Since his visit to Queen Charlotte Sound in New Zealand early in the voyage, when Cook had refused to punish Maori for killing and eating his men, there had been a remarkable escalation of violence.

• Salmond p 416 cross-cultural misunderstandings were the source of many of the disputes & violent enocunters. "Despite recent controversies, there is no good morality play, colonial or post-colonial, to be made of Cook’s killing. Over a decade in Polynesia, he was caught in intractable contradictions. As the trial of the cannibal dog at Totara-nui showed, when he acted with calm restraint, he invited humiliation — his sailors and the islanders alike considered him to be weak and irresolute. When he acted in anger and sought mana by force, he invited retaliation. His men became mutinous, and the islanders sought to kill him. At Lifuka and on Ra‘iatea during this voyage, when Captain Cook took high chiefs captive, efforts were made to destroy him. At Hawai‘iit happened, but there was no one cause. It was a cross-cultural combination of forces that killed him."

• Salmond pp 425-426 Ritual unions with chiefs resulted in C viewed as ancstor god "When the European ships first arrived at the islands, it made sense to suppose that these marvellous vessels had sailed through the sky from another dimension. When they came from places such as Havai‘i (or Ra‘iatea) and Tahiti, the homelands for other islands, it made sense to suppose that those who sailed them might be ancestors. When they fired their cannons, the flash and crash of the guns seemed to be signs of extraordinary power. The vessels were understood as floating islands, whose arrival had been foretold in prophecies and visions. Their leaders, like the high chiefs, were assumed to be atua or akua, beings with superhuman abilities. Time and again the priests came out to greet the Europeans with chants and ritual offerings, and led them to shrines to meet loeal ancestors. Aristocratic chiefs became their exchange partners, offering pigs, dogs, vegetables and sexual hospitality in return for iron, red and white cloth, tools and trinkets. And when Captain Cook became ceremonial friends with a paramount chief — as he did with Tu in Tahiti, and Kalani‘opu‘u in Hawai‘i, exchanging ritual regalia, including cloaks, helmets and swords, and even names, he became linked with the most senior genealogical lines, and the ancestor gods of the islands."

• Salmond p 426 - Where C did not engage in rituals with chiefs, he was not later venerated as an ancestor god; and even ridiculed if he engaged with a junior chief - "It is intriguing to note that it was only in those islands where Captain Cook had forged a ceremonial friendship with a paramount chief that he later became a focus of ancestral veneration. In New Zealand, where no such friendship was forged, the Rai‘iatean high priest Tupaia made a much greater impression on Maori. In the Cook Islands, Easter Island and the Marquesas, where Cook did not go ashore, his Tahitian companions were the centre of local interest. In Tonga, where he was accompanied by Hitihiti and later Mai and two young Maori attendants, he made the mistake of exchanging names with a junior chief, and later abased himself in the ‘Inasi rituals. The main oral tradition which survived in the Tongan archipelago about Cook’s visits, recounting the plot to kill him at Lifuka, is far from reverential."

• Salmond p 430-431 Cook sometimes did not fully understand indigenous expectations/customs, e.g. need for revenging insults & generous gifting "Success in exchange meant revenge for insults, however, as well as generous gifting. As Cook said of Totara-nui Maori in 1775: ‘I have allways found them of a Brave, Noble, Open and benevolent disposition, but they are a people that will never put up with an insult if they have an oppertunity to resent it.’ During his first two voyages to the Pacific, Cook had often spoken of Tahitians or Maori as his ‘friends’, and advocated ‘Strict honisty and gentle treatment’. After his experiences at Totara-nui, [aka Poverty Bay near the Tūranganui ... where C first encountered Maori and deaths resulted] however, he began to lose his faith in the power of reason. Maori had killed and eaten his men, and then deceived him about what had happened. Cook became increasingly cynical, and prone to violent outbursts of anger. He was now known as ‘Toote’ on board his ships, a passionate, unpredictable character."

Diplomacy: Note 3

• Thomas p 73-74: "The rake was returned the same day, but Cook thought it worth holding the canoes against other things that had been taken, though it was doubtful that any of the vessels’ owners were either implicated in any theft or had the power to retrieve any of the stolen things from other people. The following Tuesday, almost a week later, Cook acknowledged that he had no hope of recovering further property ‘and therefore intend to give them up their Canoes when ever they apply for them’. But at this time only four were returned, and the remainder held for a further ten days. From the start, Banks doubted both the justice and the strategy of the step and reports problems that Cook does not: the canoes that had been seized were full of food, including freshly caught fish, which quickly spoiled, and which the owners were not allowed to take away. Further tension arose a few days later when seamen collecting ballast began taking stones from a marae, which locals protested — the place, of course, was sacred. Trade almost ceased with the people of the district, though Purea and visitors of rank from elsewhere continued to make and receive occasional gifts. They seem to have been unconcerned by the plight of the local fishermen, just as Tuteha appeared untroubled by the fatal shooting that took place just after the Endeavour arrived. Had the interests of Tahitians not been varied and conflicting, the first incidents of violence and the subsequent seizure of valued property would have provoked much deeper crises. Cook, ironically, only got away with his anti-theft aggression because he was targeting people less powerful than the real thieves."

• Salmond p 81-82 "Cook’s determination to avoid unnecessary killings was no doubt largely prompted by the Earl of Morton’s instructions. His orders that the Tahitians should not be harmed, however, like his efforts to prevent the transmission of venereal disease to the islanders, put him at odds with his men, leaving him isolated. Something had to be done to deter further thefts, so Cook ordered an entire flotilla of fishing canoes which had just landed in the Bay to be captured. Twenty-five large sailing canoes filled with fish were seized, and Cook threatened to burn them unless the coal-rake was returned. It was immediately brought back, but Cook then demanded the return of a number of other things that had been stolen from his party - Banks’s pistols, a sword, a water cask and the marine’s musket. When he heard about it, Banks disagreed with Cook’s action, since there was no guarantee that the sailing canoes belonged to those responsible for the thefts. Tutaha was also furious, blaming Purea for taking these things, and ordered that all supplies of food to the sailors should be stopped until further notice."

• Salmond p 276 "His views on these matters were based partly on the Earl of Morton’s instructions for the Endeavour expedition, and partly on his own inclinations, perhaps shaped by his youthful experiences with the Quakers. Cook was determined not to allow his men to fire their muskets at will, favouring instead a strategy of using smallshot as a first warning, followed by a musketball through a canoe or at a bird; shooting musketoon balls overhead or into the water, or firing the great guns overhead to demonstrate the ship’s firepower. Only in the last resort would he allow his men to shoot to kill, for as he reflected during this visit to Tanna: ... Many of his shipmates, however, utterly disagreed with Cook on this point. They thought that his approach gave ‘savages’ more rights than his own men, exposing the sailors to undue risk, and allowing the ‘savages’ to treat them with outright contempt on occasion. They wanted to be able to use ..."

Diplomacy Note 4

• Salmond p 72 Neutrality in local indigenous disputes? " When they went ashore together she presented him with a pig and some plantains and led him ina procession, her people bearing these gifts before them. Tutaha, who had just arrived on the beach, was so infuriated by this display that he was hastily given a doll of his own. The toys were probably thought to be ancestral images, but Tutaha’s concern was more fundamental. He was engaged in a deadly struggle with Purea and Amo for control of the island, and was disconcerted to see his rival hobnobbing with the British. If Purea could forge a close relationship with Captain Cook, this might undermine his standing with his new ceremonial friends, and his status as Regent of Tahiti-nui. Cook tried to remain neutral in these struggles for power, but Banks was much less discreet. Over the next few days he spent much of his time with Purea, and began a passionate affair with one of her women, Tiatia.** At the same time, his relationship with Te Pau continued to be intense. On 29 April when Banks went to visit Te Pau’s family, he found them all weeping. "

• Salmond p 98 Neutrality "During their brief stay on Huahine, the high chief Ori told Cook that warriors from the nearby island of Borabora held his people in subjection, arriving every few weeks to take away their possessions, and killing anyone who opposed them. He pleaded with Cook to free his island from these invaders, but Cook refused to get involved in local politics. When Cook asked for fresh supplies of pork and vegetables, Ori replied that it would take some time to gather provisions from different parts of the island, suggesting that they should stay longer."

• Salmond p 204 Rituals / greetings / friendships "When Cook went ashore at Fare the next day, his boat was guided straight to Ori’s house. At the water’s edge, five young plantain trees were brought out — the first, with a pig, for the Ari‘ or high chief [Captain Cook]; the second, with another pig, for the Atua [god] of the Europeans; the third as a sign of welcome; the fourth, with a dog, to represent the taura or rope which bound them together; and the fifth, with a pig, for Ori’s taio, Captain Cook.' These gifts were accompanied by a piece of pewter, engraved with an inscription from the Endeavour, which Cook had given to Ori in 1769 to mark their friendship. Their guide instructed Cook and his companions to take up three of these plantain branches, to decorate them with nails, looking-glasses and medals, and give them to Ori. Holding these branches, they walked through a lane through the huge crowd to where Ori was seated. The plantains were presented to Ori one by one, the first for his god, the second for the high chief of Huahine; and the third for Ori himself, Cook’s taio."

Diplomacy Note 5 - misunderstandings, conflict

• Salmond p 204 Small Example of a misunderstading "They also saw a number of white-bellied kingfishers and grey herons, and shot some of these birds, although they were soon warned not to do this, since these were atua or supernatural beings."

• Salmond 2003 p=117 First contact with Maori kidnapping episode - "Cook and this man greeted each other with a hongi (pressing noses), a precious moment of amity. Unfortunately, it only lasted a moment. Other men swam across the river, where Cook gave them gifts. Soon there were twenty or thirty warriors crowding around the strangers, who performed a haka and tried to exchange weapons with them. When the sailors and gentlemen refused to give up their muskets and swords, the warriors began to snatch at them. In the mélée, one man who seized the astronomer’s short sword was shot with smallshot by Banks, and killed by a ball from the surgeon’s musket, while Tupaia fired last, and shot two men in the legs. The man who was killed was Te Rakau, an important chief from the Rongowhakaata tribe, who according to local tradition had come with a party of warriors from Orakaiapu, a large fortified village in the south-west of the bay, to try to seize the Endeavour. Things kept going wrong all through that day. Cook was taken aback by Maori military aggression, for after the Dolphin’s attacks, the Tahitians had avoided mass confrontations with his people. Once the warriors had retreated, Cook formally took possession of the country and led his party back to the boats, crossing the bay to examine the shoreline from the water. When several fishing canoes were seen coming in from the sea, he decided to try to intercept them. He hoped to capture some of the crew and take _ them aboard the Endeavour, in order to treat them kindly and try to win their confidence. His plan misfired, however, because when the ship’s boats cut the canoes off, their crews vigorously resisted capture, hurling paddles, anchor stones and even a parcel of fish at the sailors. They opened fire, and four more men were wounded. The larger canoe paddled rapidly away, but three young men from the smaller canoe were captured, one of whom dived and swam for some time before they finally pulled him out of the water. Cook took his captives on board the Endeavour, where they were fed and given gifts. At first they were terrified, thinking they were about to be killed, but when they realised that they were in no danger, they became remarkably cheerful. That evening they danced and sang for Cook, and talked with Tupaia, telling him their names, and those of some of their gods; and informing him that the people to the north of this bay ate people. In the middle of the night, when one of the boys began to sigh loudly, Tupaia got up to comfort him."

• Thomas 2003 p=86-93,153-154 v1 NZ: First contact with Maori kidnapping episode -
  • Thomas p = 88 v1 NZ: "Cook does appear to have been intimidated, or at any rate felt that it was prudent to retreat until his marines landed, at which point he and a few others, including Tupaia, returned to the river bank. Tupaia addressed the Maori and all were agreeably surprised, as Cook put it, ‘to find that they perfectly understood him’. After some conversation, one swam across, and then twenty to thirty more. As Tupaia warned that the Maori were not friends, Cook made them all presents, but found his efforts to inaugurate some sort of sociability were failing. The Maori took the gifts, but wanted more, especially the Europeans’ weapons. The astronomer, Green, was momentarily inattentive and one snatched his hanger —a type of short sword — prompting others to be more ‘insolent’, as Cook put it. ‘Insolence’ is a loaded word, but one that was less specific in the eighteenth century than it has become. Then, it could refer to the arrogance and contemptuousness of the powerful, as well as the impertinence of inferiors and subordinates. Cook and his men were supposed to acknowledge that the Maori were ‘the natural, and in the strictest sense of the word, the legal possessors’ of the land they inhabited. They had to be treated with civilly, but they had also to be convinced of the ‘superiority’ of Europeans. That morning, on the sandy edge of the Turanganui River, it must have seemed unlikely that the Maori who daunted Cook would ever acknowledge European superiority. Their ‘insolence’ was the arrogance of the powerful."
  • Thomas p 89 v1 NZ: "and ventured out to join him. They touched noses, and Cook presented a few trinkets, which delighted the man, who was quickly joined by others, ‘the ice was broke’, according to Monkhouse. Cook noted that those Maori who now came across the stream ‘would willingly have exchanged their arms for ours but would not part with them on any other condition’. Part of the problem, in other words, was that he was attempting to impose terms of trade that stipulated that a bead or nail was worth a club or spear. The Maori saw that Cook and his kind carried swords and guns — the latter approximately resembled their own longer clubs, even if their use was not yet fully grasped. They wanted to exchange like for like, and only when this barter was refused did they snatch at the mariners’ weapons. Trade broke down before it had really begun, not because the Maori were committed to attacking the intruders, but (at least in part) because Cook was unwilling to start handing over swords and muskets. If this is not surprising, neither is it so that the Maori valued their own weapons as highly as he valued his. Jubilant Maori were at once dancing and feinting to catch at whatever they could. Monkhouse found himself ‘engaged with three of these young active heroes’ and gathered that he had ‘to play the counterpart in these curious gesticulations’ — that is, he had to dance and to parry and play a game, which for the Maori was perhaps no longer about trying to steal, but about amusing themselves by frustrating the mariners’ efforts to stop them stealing. One cannot imagine that Cook felt prepared for this or that a surgeon’s training had prepared Monkhouse for it. Though he, more than Cook, comes across as a willing improviser and a deft performer. A moment later Green’s hanger was snatched. The man ‘set up a cry of exultation, and waving it round his head, retreated gently’, Banks wrote. Cook’s draft reads:..."

Diplomacy Note 6

• Salmond 2003 pp=205-207 - Sparrman incident; Cook uses diplomacy to retrieve items; crew wanted revenge
  • Salmond p 205 "Despite the warmth of their welcome at Huahine, the arrival of Cook’s ships was causing tensions on the island. The shooting of the sacred birds was an ill omen, and although the season of scarcity had begun, hundreds of pigs were being bartered to the sailors, along with large numbers of dogs and chickens. Some people clearly thought that Ori should declare a rahui (or prohibition) on the island’s livestock, as Vehiatua and Tu had done on Tahiti. In any case, Ori’s position was under challenge in the name of the young ari‘i rahi [high chief] of Huahine, Te Ri‘i taria.*° When the trading station opened early the next morning, a chief arrived, dressed in a red war-costume and furiously brandishing two wooden clubs, who tried to stop some people from bartering breadfruit (which were very scarce at this time of year), grabbing a bag of nails from the ship’s clerk and threatening to knock down the midshipman, one of Cook’s ‘black sheep’, Charles Loggie. Cook told Johann Forster to charge his musket, and walked up to this man, boldly grabbing his weapons. As the chief struggled with him, Cook drew his sword and Forster aimed his musket; and when he sullenly stepped aside, Cook ordered the sailors to smash his clubs to pieces."
  • Salmond p 206 "Cook took them out to the Resolution for dinner, and when they returned to Ori’s house after the meal, they found that all the chiefly families had gathered, fearing for Ori’s safety. They welcomed the old man, weeping over him and presenting Cook with lavish gifts of fruit, pigs and chickens. Eventually some of Ori’s people arrived with Sparrman’s hunting knife and part of his waistcoat; and various other things which had been stolen from some officers on a hunting party. Cook decided not to pursue these matters, but to leave them to his taio Ori; although Johann Forster vehemently questioned the wisdom of this decision, arguing that ‘violent robbery is an act of violence, which ought not to remain unpunished, for it will in future times cause [in]security to British Subjects that land here; & too much lenity"

• Thomas 2003 p=198 "On succeeding days there was much trade. Ori sent Cook gifts of food every day. Yet not all the people of Huahine were as friendly as the chief. On 6 September, a trading party was harrassed by a warrior who brandished a club in each hand. Cook challenged this man himself, seized his clubs, broke them and with some difficulty sent him away. At about this time, Sparrman, botanizing on his own, was attacked and stripped of his clothes by a couple of men. Cut about with his own sword, which they had also taken, he was lucky to encounter a kinder man who gave him a piece of barkcloth, with which he covered himself, and showed him the way back to the other Europeans. Cook then went to Ori, taking this man to confirm Sparrman’s complaint. Ori then proposed to go with Cook in his boat in pursuit of the culprits, which greatly alarmed his people. “When the people saw their beloved chief wholy in my power they set up a great outcry and with Tears flowing down their cheeks intreated him once more to come out of the Boat. I even joined my intreaties to theirs, for I could not bear to see them in such distress, all that could be said or done availed nothing’. Ori insisted on directing or accompanying a party in search of those he thought had committed the offence. Although this expedition was initially fruitless, and though his people again protested, when Ori proposed to join Cook aboard the Resolution for a meal, Sparrman’s sword and part of his clothing were returned in the course of the afternoon. Cook mentioned in passing that other officers out shooting had also had things stolen from them — some of which were returned — but emphasized that friendly relations were restored and that the ‘Brave old Chief’ had placed great confidence in him. This all showed how far ‘Friendship is Sacred with these people’. The next day, before departure, they had a further meeting. Gifts were again exchanged, and Cook thought it better to say nothing about the remainder of Sparrman’s clothes. ‘I judged they were not brought in and for that reason did not mention them lest I should give the chief pain about a thing I did not give him time to recover.’ Johann Forster was incensed by Cook’s unwillingness to either take further steps to retrieve the goods or to punish the thieves. He expostulated that letting the matter drop would in future ‘encourage the Natives to all manner of acts of Violence . . . to much lenity is absolutely dangerous’."

Diplomacy Note 7

• at Tanna: second voyage, in August 1774, Cook witnessed one of his marines shoot an indigenous man, contrary to crews wishes, C. imprisoned the marine for 2 months

• Salmond|2003 p=275-276 "The man was shot in his left arm and side, and although Cook called for the ship’s surgeon to treat him, he died shortly afterwards. When Cook ordered Wedgeborough to be clapped into irons and taken to the ship, many of the sailors were angry, since they thought that the shooting had been warranted. According to Johann Forster, this affair provoked a violent argument between Cook and his officers. The Lieutenant of Marines, Edgcumbe, said that ‘the man was entitled to believe he was not posted there merely to provide a target for arrows’; while Cooper, the first lieutenant, argued that the people on Tanna had often threatened the sentries, and because they were not allowed to retaliate, the marines were being treated with increasing insolence. Charles Clerke brought matters to a head when he told Cook that Wedgeborough was not to blame, since he had instructed the sentries that if a warrior went to throw a spear at them or fire an arrow, they should shoot him. Cook’s orders were that the’ men should never fire their muskets unless they were actually under attack, however, and if Clerke had indeed issued such an instruction, it was a direct challenge to Cook’s authority. Cook’s philosophy about how to handle encounters with indigenous peoples was clear and unambiguous. It had been forged during his first Pacific voyage, and was often restated in his journals. Just three months earlier, in Tahiti, he had written: [begin quote]Three things made them our fast friends, Their own good Natured and benevolent disposition, gentle treatment on our part, and the dread of our fire Arms; by our ceaseing to observe the Second the first would have wore off, and the too frequent use of the latter would have excited a spirit of revenge and perhaps taught them that fire Arms were not such terrible things as they had imagined, they are very sencible of the superiority they have over us in numbers and no one knows what an enraged multitude might do.” [end quote] His views on these matters were based partly on the Earl of Morton’s instructions for the Endeavour expedition, and partly on his own inclinations, perhaps shaped by his youthful experiences with the Quakers. Cook was determined not to allow his men to fire their muskets at will, favouring instead a strategy of using smallshot as a first warning, followed by a musketball through a canoe or at a bird; shooting musketoon balls overhead or into the water, or firing the great guns overhead to demonstrate the ship’s firepower. Only in the last resort would he allow his men to shoot to kill, for as he reflected during this visit to Tanna:"

• Thomas|2003 p=242-243 "On Tanna, Cook’s perception, and that of the Forsters, who walked further inland to collect plants, was becoming more positive, but they were in a minority among the Europeans. The officers, seamen and marines were troubled by the place and the people: the women were kept at a distance, the men were always armed, the rumbles and the smoke alarmed and irritated them. Muskets were discharged at a few boys who had merely thrown stones. Cook was ‘much displeased at such a Wanton use being made of our fire arms’; he ‘took measures to prevent it for the future’; what measures he does not say, but they entirely failed, for, just before the ship sailed, the marine William Wedgeborough, one of the sentries on the beach, shot a man dead. Cook was incensed. ‘I who was present and on the Spot saw not the least cause for the commiting of such an outrage and was astonished beyond Measure at the inhumanity of the act, the rascal who perpetrated this crime pretended that one of the Natives laid his arrow across his bow and held it in the Attitude of Shooting so that he apprehended himself in danger, but this was no more than what was done hourly and I beleive with no other View than to let us see they were Armed as well as us’. Most of the people fled. Cook prevailed on a few to remain, sent for the surgeon, and was taken to the injured man, who soon died. He had Wedgeborough taken back to the ship, placed in irons, and brought to the gangway to be flogged. Here, however, the officers protested vigorously. After a good deal of angry debate, Cook agreed not to proceed with the punishment, but did keep the marine confined, in the end for two months. He resented this shooting, especially, because he believed that the man who had been killed was not the one who had actually made the threat.....The injustice which troubled most of those on board was not the killing of the Tannese, which Lieutenant Cooper and others considered no more than the consequence of the Islanders’ ‘insolence’. Elliott thought the occasion one of Cook’s rare lapses — a moment when ‘He lost sight, of both justice, and Humanity’ in punishing a man who had merely defended himself. The officers appear to have been united in the view that the bowman’s threat was real and Wedgeborough’s conduct justifiable, but Cook had been an eyewitness, and merely saw an Islander level and draw his bow after Wedgeborough had pointed his gun. If Cook was correct in his belief that the wrong man had received the bullet, he was very likely also right to think that there was no real danger, since the shooting would not have prevented the arrow being fired. Cook dropped his insistence upon punishment probably not because he was convinced that the circumstance had been different, but because he learned, in the course of this heated debate, that either Clerke or the lieutenant of marines, Edgcumbe, had given orders different to his own, indeed contrary to his own, that directed the sentries to shoot if they thought themselves threatened. He cannot have liked this, but if Wedgeborough’s action had this sanction, he could hardly flog the man for it."

Diplomacy Note 8

• C treated Maori with respect when visiting NZ in 3rd voyage knowing of 11 deaths
  • Omission a) Maori were incredulous, and viewed C with ridicule, as a weakling
  • Omission b) This was the start of some issues in v3 (b1) Crew were upset with C begin being uncooperative; (b2) C himself started to behave more aggressively & irrationally, perhaps because he knew full well he had not behaved well in Grass Cove NZ
  • Ommission c) Example of how Cook had a set of goals that were impossible to meet: treat indigenous kindly (avoid killings); be a bold/strong leader in front of his crew; adhere to Indigenous norms: e.g. strength, revenge, honor, repay insults, etc

• WIlliams p 125: Maori saw Cook as weak (not a god) when he failed to take revenge "or if any confirmation was needed that the newcomers were not atua or gods, the ease with which they were killed seemed ample proof. But the impact of Grass Cove went further than this. Both Maori and his own crew were puzzled by Cook’s decision when he revisited Dusky Sound on his third voyage not to use his superior weaponry to punish the perpetrators. He even allowed Kahura, leader of the attackers in 1773, on the Resolution, where Webber drew his portrait, and took on board two young Maori as crew members. While the crew gave vent to their anger by putting on trial and executing a ‘cannibal dog’, puzzled Maori, in Burney’s words"

• Salmond 2003 pp=2-4, 314-316, 319
  • Salmond p 2 Suggests that the 11 killed in v2 was revenge for deaths of Maori in v1 - "Just three years earlier during Cook’s second Pacific voyage, the ships had been separated in a storm and the Adventure took refuge in Queen Charlotte Sound, where local Maori attacked a boatload of her crew and killed them all. Cook’s ships had often returned to the Sound since their first arrival there in 1770, and there had been violent clashes with local people, including several shootings. Revenge, when it came, though, was shocking. A launch commanded by the Adventure’s second lieutenant, James Burney, sent out to search for the missing cutter, found rowlock ports and a shoe, and then human flesh bundled up in flax food baskets in a small bay, and the tattooed hand of one of the sailors. Rounding the point to the next bay they found Grass Cove ‘throng’d like a Fair’, attacked the crowd with muskets and wall-guns (swivel guns like small cannons), landed, and found cooking fires burning and dogs chewing on the roasted hearts, lungs, heads, hands and feet of their comrades."
  • Salmond p 2 deception, reluctance to tell Cook in v2 "When Cook sailed into the Sound several months later, looking for the Adventure, his sailors avidly traded for human bones while local Maori concealed the killing of the Adventure’s men from him. Rumours reached him of a fight between the crew of a shipwrecked European vessel and local people, but these were garbled and inconsistent. Upon asking a chief about the Adventure, Cook was assured that the ship had been there ten months earlier, and that it had safely left the Sound. This was true, except for the fact that some of her crew had been killed and eaten. Cook accepted the chief’s story, and spent a peaceful three weeks in the Sound on his way back to England. When news of the fate of the Adventure’s boat crew finally reached him at the Cape of Good Hope, Cook thought that the sailors might have been responsible. In his journal at the time, he commented:"
  • Salmond pp 2-3 Voayge 3 return - C no revenge; Maori think C weak; Mai urges revenge "Now, early in the third voyage, Captain Cook was back in Queen Charlotte Sound, and still keeping an open mind about the killings. Until he knew what had provoked local Maori, he was determined to do nothing to harm them: [begin quote] It appeared to me that they were apprehensive we were come to revenge the death of Captain Furneaux’s people: seeing Omai on board whose first conversation with them generally turned on that subject; they must be well assured that I was no longer a stranger to that unhappy affair, and I did all in my power to assure them of the continuence of my friendship, and that I should not disturb them on that account.’ [end quote] For local Maori, though, his response was difficult to grasp. The warriors in the Sound regarded Cook’s assurances of friendship with bemusement, for as he had noted earlier, they would ‘never put up with an insult if they have an opportunity to resent it’. To kill and ritually eat members of another group was the epitome of insult, ‘biting the head’ of their ancestors, an act which attacked their mana, their capacity to act effectively in the world. A true rangatira (leader) was bound to retaliate with all the force at his command to such an insult, or his gods would withdraw their presence, leaving both leader and people bereft and defenceless. Mai (Omai), a young Raiatean who had been on the Adventure and had since spent two years in England, understood this very well, and reacted to Cook’s restraint with incredulity. During this stay in the Sound both Mai, and local Maori who regarded themselves as friends to the British, often urged Captain Cook to exact retribution from those who were responsible for the killings. "
  • Salmond p 3 Sailors also want revenge "Many of the sailors, too, were thirsty for revenge. They were outraged that people who had cooked and eaten their comrades should walk about unscathed. Lieutenant Burney, who commanded the launch which had discovered the feast at Grass Cove, was back in the Sound for the first time since that horrific experience. In addition to Burney and Mai, there were many old Polynesian hands on board the ships: Cook’s first lieutenant John Gore and Charles Clerke, the captain of his consort vessel the Discovery, both now on their fourth voyage to the Pacific; eight others who had been on Endeavour and then the Resolution during Cook’s first and second Pacific voyages; and several more sailors from the Adventure. Some of these men could now speak Polynesian languages quite well, and they had also learned something about mana. In discussing the killing of the Adventure’s men with various of the groups in the Sound, they must have frequently been urged to take utu (or equal return) against the offenders."
  • Salmond pp 3-4 Cook hosted leader of the M that killed 11 "Cook’s inaction was all the more inexplicable because Kahura, the man primarily responsible for killing his men, had visited the camp at Ship Cove and boarded his ships on several occasions. In Maori terms, this was provocative behaviour. At Grass Cove, the sailors’ heads and hearts had been cut from their bodies and eaten in the whangai hau ceremony, destroying the mana of the victims and leaving their kinsfolk bereft of ancestral protection. Each time Kahura visited Cook’s ships, he was flaunting the power he had gained by killing their compatriots. The other Maori groups in the Sound watched with bated breath, waiting for the British to retaliate. According to Cook [begin quote] ‘many of them said he was a very bad man and importuned me to kill him, and I believe they were not a little surprised that I did not, for according to their ideas of equity this ought to have been done. ' [end quote]”
  • Salmond pp 4 C's reason for avoiding revenge "Cook had promised Kahura he would do him no harm, however, and he was determined to act as an ‘enlightened’ leader. He wrote, ‘As to what was past, Ishould think no more of it as it was some time sence and done when I was not there, but if ever they made a Second attempt of that kind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of my resentment.”® He had been told that the sailors (particularly Rowe, who commanded them that day) had provoked the attack, and although Clerke agreed that there was no purpose to be served by killing Kahura, many of the sailors were of a mind with Mai, and found their impotence galling. Burney spoke for them when he wrote: [begin quote] It seemed evident that many of them held us in great contempt and I believe chiefly on account of our not revenging the affair of Grass Cove, so contrary to the principals[end quote] "
  • Salmond p 315 M become contemptuous when it becomes evident that C would not exact revenge "By now Cook had some understanding of the affray at Grass Cove, but he still held his own men responsible for what had happened. As he remarked, ‘if these thefts had not, unfortunately, been too hastily resented no ill consequence had attended, for Kahoura’s greatest enemies . .. owned that he had no intention to quarrel, much less to kill.’? Now that Cook knew the identity of their killers, however, the local people expected him to take revenge, and when he did nothing, they were contemptuous. They began to demand gifts without offering anything in return, as though the British were indeed taurekareka. According to Lieutenant Gore, they seemed ‘Confident of their own Power’, expecting a “Tribute for their friendship’ ... "
  • Salmond p 315 C's crew loses respect; feel C favors M over crew "Here, and in other comments by the sailors, Cook’s handling of local people was being questioned. Although his men greatly admired Cook, they found the attitudes of local Maori galling, and he and his officers had often disagreed about how disrespectful ‘natives’ should be treated. Cook would not allow his men to shoot to kill unless they were in imminent danger, punishing them for thefts or violence against local people, and he got very angry if this policy was flouted. He had quarrelled with Lieutenant Gore during the first voyage over the shooting and killing of a Maori at Mercury Bay; with Johann Forster over a shooting in Ra‘iatea early in the second voyage; and with Charles Clerke and his fellow officers at Tanna later in that voyage, when a sentry shot and killed a man who had aimed an arrow at him. His views on this matter were obviously deeply felt, since he held to them even at the expense of his own popularity. The sailors, on the other hand, felt that on such occasions, their commander favoured ‘savages’ over his own men, and were aggrieved that the ‘barbarians’ who had killed and eaten their comrades at Grass Cove went unpunished. After the visit to..."
  • Salmond p 319 V3 change in C's behaviour: starts in Grass Cove NZ early in v3 "The shift in Cook’s behaviour during the third voyage has been described as ‘the loss of hope’, an “‘increased cynicism”, or “familiarity breeds contempt”, and “power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely”.”® This transformation began at Queen Charlotte Sound, in the aftermath of the Grass Cove killings. Cook realised how far he had been hoodwinked during his previous visit, and felt the sting of disrespect not only from local people, but from his own sailors. As an ‘enlightened’ leader, he had tried to act with calm detachment, even in the face of cannibalism. Most of his men had no such scruples, however. They wanted to revenge their shipmates, and kill the cannibals. When Cook did nothing to punish Kahura, their faith in their commander was undermined and discipline was threatened. Almost as soon as the Resolution sailed from the Sound, there were rumblings on board the ship. According to Lieutenant King, there was an ‘appearance of general disobedience among the people’ and a rash of minor thieving during which meat was stolen from the messes. The men would not identify the offenders, so Cook put them on two-thirds salted rations until the culprits had been punished. The crew refused to co-operate and would not eat their reduced allowance, which he considered ‘a very mutinous proceeding’. Captain Cook’s authority had been undermined, affecting his own morale as well as that of the sailors. Although it has been claimed that his conduct was influenced by the illness which had almost killed him during the second voyage,’ there is no evidence that Captain Cook was unwell at this time. It was rather his belief in himself and his men that had been shaken."

Diplomacy: Material from June 2025 draft re Diplomacy

Interactions with indigenous peoples required Cook to balance competing responsibilities. As a naval commander, he was expected to maintain discipline and authority; yet as a representative of the British Crown, he was required to be diplomatic and accommodating; in his role as an ostensible friend of indigenous leaders, he was expected to show generosity and patience; but as the head of an expedition operating thousands of miles from the nearest resupply points, he needed to safeguard his supplies. See Note 1; Salmond p 431

The various demand faced by Cook often led to complex situations that left him vulnerable to both humiliation and danger. When he chose leniency toward Indigenous communities in response to perceived infractions, his crew sometimes viewed him as weak, and indigenous leaders could become emboldened. Conversely, when he responded with excessive force, he risked fostering resentment among his men – at times bordering on mutiny – or provoking violent retaliation from indigenous leaders. See Note 2; Salmond p 416, 425-428, 430-431

When Cook was confronted by situations that demanded difficult decisions he sometimes relied on diplomacy; other times, he resorted to coercion. For example, in June 1769 when some items were stolen from his crew in Tahiti, the crew demanded vengeance, but Cook ordered the crew to refrain from violence; instead he confiscated some canoes and threatened to destroy them unless the stolen items were returned. See Note 3; Thomas p 73-74; Salmond p 81-82; 276

Upon initial contact with an indigenous people, Cook usually sought to establish amicable relations by engaging in local friendship rituals such as gift-giving, exchanging names, and rubbing noses (hongi). Cook planted several gardens in the lands he visited, both to provide indigenous peoples with new foods, and as a potential food source for future European visitors. Cook carried livestock (including pigs, goats, ship, and cattle) on his ships, and placed breeding pairs on various islands. Cook refused to take sides in local political disputes. See Note 4; Salmond, 72, 98, 204

Efforts by Cook to establish amicable relations during initial encounters did not always proceed as intended. When he first made contact with the Māori in October 1769, he came ashore with the aim of establishing friendly relations. However, a member of his crew killed a Māori individual. In an attempt to mend relations, Cook captured three Māori and brought them board his ship, where he offered them gifts and food as a gesture of goodwill. See Note 5; Salmond 117, 204; Thomas pp 88-89

Friendships with local leaders were important to Cook and sometimes played a role in resolving disputes. In Huahine, in September 1773, a ship naturalist – while exploring alone – was attacked, stripped of his clothing and tools, and struck violently on the head. Rather than retaliate – as some of his crew urged – Cook instead engaged in ritual gift exchanges with the local chief, and most of the belongings were returned. When the naturalists insisted that all the belonging be returned, Cook declined to press the matter further, prioritizing good relations over retaliation. See Note 6 Salmond 2003 pp=205-207, Thomas p 1989

Cook sometimes punished his own crew for injuring indigenous people: during the second voyage, in August 1774, Cook witnessed one of his marines shoot an indigenous man on the island of Tanna. Cook called the ship's surgeon to try to save him, but the injured man died. Cook was furious and had the marine arrested and prepared to have him flogged. Officers intervened to stop the flogging, and Cook instead imprisoned the marine for two months. See Note 7 Salmond p=275-276, Thomas pp 242-243

On some occasions, Cook ignored the wishes of his crew to retaliate for real or perceived harms. In the third voyage, in February 1777, Cook landed in New Zealand with the knowledge that the Māori had killed eleven members of the Adventure's crew a few years earlier. Despite that, Cook treated the Māori with respect, even inviting them into his cabin. Some members of Cook's crew were confused and angered by their leader's failure to take revenge. See Note 8, Salmond 2003 pp=2-4,205-207, 319

Draft from late June 2025 - archive - do not change

Shipboard leadership

Discipline aboard Cook's ships adhered to the standard practices of the Royal Navy during that period, with infractions frequently resulting in flogging. Over the course of his voyages, Cook ordered 28 floggings on the first expedition, 33 on the second, and 66 on the third. Midshipmen who were punished were often "sent before the mast," requiring them to eat and sleep alongside the enlisted crew.

Cook's ships employed a three-watch system, where crew members were divided into three groups; and each group alternated four hours on and eight hours off.

The health of his crew was of utmost importance to Cook. He promoted hygiene by having the crew wash themselves frequently and air-out their bedding, clothes, and quarters. Cook also promoted a good diet, stocking his ships with foods, such as sauerkraut, that he felt would prevent scurvy. His ships carried a variety of livestock during his expeditions: goats, pigs, cattle, sheep, horses, and turkeys. These were given to indigenous leaders as gifts, and eaten by the crew.

Cook encouraged dancing and merry-making on his ships. Instruments such as fifes, drums, fiddles, and bagpipes were carried by the crew and played on board, sometimes for the pleasure of indigenous guests they were hosting.

His ships conducted crossing the line ceremonies when they crossed the equator. In these ceremonies, the crew drew up a list of everyone on board, including cats and dogs, and interrogated them as to whether they had crossed the equator. If they had not, they had to choose between giving up grog for four days, or be ducked three times into the ocean. According to Joseph Banks, some of those ducked were "grinning and exulting in their hardiness", but others "were almost suffocated".

Relations with indigenous peoples

Diplomacy and negotiationn

Interactions with indigenous peoples required Cook to balance competing responsibilities. As a naval commander, he was expected to maintain discipline and authority; yet as a representative of the British Crown, he was required to be diplomatic and accommodating; in his role as an ostensible friend of indigenous leaders, he was expected to show generosity and patience; but as the head of an expedition operating thousands of miles from the nearest resupply points, he needed to safeguard his supplies.

The various demand faced by Cook often led to complex situations that left him vulnerable to both humiliation and danger. When he chose leniency toward Indigenous communities in response to perceived infractions, his crew sometimes viewed him as weak, and indigenous leaders could become emboldened. Conversely, when he responded with excessive force, he risked fostering resentment among his men – at times bordering on mutiny – or provoking violent retaliation from indigenous leaders.

When Cook was confronted by situations that demanded difficult decisions he sometimes relied on diplomacy; other times, he resorted to coercion. For example, in June 1769 when some items were stolen from his crew in Tahiti, the crew demanded vengeance, but Cook ordered the crew to refrain from violence; instead he confiscated some canoes and threatened to destroy them unless the stolen items were returned.

Upon initial contact with an indigenous people, Cook usually sought to establish amicable relations by engaging in local friendship rituals such as gift-giving, exchanging names, and rubbing noses (hongi). Cook planted several gardens in the lands he visited, both to provide indigenous peoples with new foods, and as a potential food source for future European visitors. Cook carried livestock (including pigs, goats, ship, and cattle) on his ships, and placed breeding pairs on various islands. Cook refused to take sides in local political disputes.

Efforts by Cook to establish amicable relations during initial encounters did not always proceed as intended. When he first made contact with the Māori in October 1769, he came ashore with the aim of establishing friendly relations. However, a member of his crew killed a Māori individual. In an attempt to mend relations, Cook captured three Māori and brought them board his ship, where he offered them gifts and food as a gesture of goodwill.

Friendships with local leaders were important to Cook and sometimes played a role in resolving disputes. In Huahine, in September 1773, a ship naturalist – while exploring alone – was attacked, stripped of his clothing and tools, and struck violently on the head. Rather than retaliate – as some of his crew urged – Cook instead engaged in ritual gift exchanges with the local chief, and most of the belongings were returned. When the naturalists insisted that all the belonging be returned, Cook declined to press the matter further, prioritizing good relations over retaliation.

Cook sometimes punished his own crew for injuring indigenous people: during the second voyage, in August 1774, Cook witnessed one of his marines shoot an indigenous man on the island of Tanna. Cook called the ship's surgeon to try to save him, but the injured man died. Cook was furious and had the marine arrested and prepared to have him flogged. Officers intervened to stop the flogging, and Cook instead imprisoned the marine for two months.

On some occasions, Cook ignored the wishes of his crew to retaliate for real or perceived harms. In the third voyage, in February 1777, Cook landed in New Zealand with the knowledge that the Māori had killed eleven members of the Adventure's crew a few years earlier. Despite that, Cook treated the Māori with respect, even inviting them into his cabin. Some members of Cook's crew were confused and angered by their leader's failure to take revenge.

Violence and punishment ORIG

When encountering indigenous peoples, Cook's intentions were to act in an enlightened manner and to establish peaceful relations. Instructions given to Cook by the Royal Society insisted that he treat indigenous peoples respectfully and humanely.

In spite of his intentions, violent encounters with indigenous peoples were common. Many violent incidents arose from thievery: sometimes Cook's crew took fish, fruit, turtles, or lumber from indigenous lands and waters without compensation; in other instances, indigenous people took items from the crew or ships. When conflict was likely, Cook implemented measures to minimize harm, such as instructing his crew to load their firearms with small shot, which was generally non-lethal. When Cook was not present, his crew sometimes disobeyed his orders and changed their weapons to use more fatal musket balls.

Cook responded to acts of theft by Indigenous individuals through a range of punitive measures, including the seizure or destruction of canoes, kidnapping indigenous leaders to hold for ransom until some act was performed, shaving heads, cropping ears, burning homes, and flogging. Floggings were especially numerous in Tonga during the second voyage. Cook also imposed disciplinary measures on members of his crew who stole from or inflicted harm upon Indigenous people.

Throughout the three voyages, violent encounters resulted numerous deaths: at least 45 indigenous individuals were killed by Cook's crew, including one killed by Cook. Sixteen of the crew were killed by indigenous people, including Cook himself.

Sexually transmitted diseases

Many European explorers – including members of Cook's crews – carried communicable diseases such as syphilis, gonorrhoea, tuberculosis, malaria, dysentery, smallpox, influenza, and hepatitis. These diseases caused a significant decline in some local populations, who often had no natural resistance. Cook's crews transmitted some of these diseases to indigenous peoples in Tahiti, Hawaii, British Columbia, and New Zealand. In Hawaii, Cook's crews were the first Europeans to introduce some diseases to the local population.

Cook took measures to mitigate the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including issuing orders that prohibited women from boarding his ships and instructing his crew to refrain from sexual relations with indigenous women.

Perceptions of Cook by indigenous communities

See also: Indigenous response to colonialism

The perception of Cook varied widely over the places he visited. In some places, he was venerated as an ancestral chief. Cook Islands, which became an independent nation in 1965, considered changing the name of their country, but ultimately decided to retain its current name.

The Māori of New Zealand generally consider Cook a hostile, invader, and – during the celebration of the bicentenary of Cook's voyages – demanded an acknowledgement of the Māori Cook's crew had killed. Many Hawaiians condemn Cook's impact on their culture, and blame him for introducing STDs to their islands. The opinions of Hawaiians may have been influenced in the 1800s by American missionaries in Hawaii, who attempted to induce dislike of Britain by promulgating falsehoods about Cook, such that he intentionally decimated the Hawaiians and wantonly fired ship's guns into crowds.

Many Australian Aborigines view Cook negatively, viewing him as responsible for violence and subsequent colonization. Cook is included in stories and legends even in parts of Australia far from where he landed. Some Nuu-chah-nulth people in British Columbia view Cook as an invader who took provisions without compensating the local people.

Sources related to Indigenous relations

A. Salmond "Aphrodite's island : the European discovery of Tahiti" 2009

• p 128: ", the Earl of Morton, the President of the Royal Society, drafted a set of 'Hints' on what information Banks and Cook should gather about any places they might discover, particularly the Southern Continent; and how they should treat its inhabitants. " .... quotes the hints from Morton

• p 128-133 - preparing for voyage 1; no special info

• p 142 Voyage 1 - arriving in Tahiti : cook gives rules to crew ", Cook announced a set of rules to regulate the exchanges between his men and the local people. Partly inspired by the Earl of Morton's 'Hints', these rules began by admonishing the sailors to 'endeavour by every fair means to cultivate a friendship with the Natives and to treat them with all imaginable humanity'.^ Only those individuals authorised to trade could exchange goods with the islanders; and if any man lost his tools or arms, the value of these would be charged against his pay, and the same rule applied to any supplies taken from the ship without permission. "

• p 142-143 Voyage 1 - first landfall in Tahiti ? " Cook took the longboat ashore, accompanied by Fa'a, Joseph Banks and Dr Solander, the astronomer Charles Green, a party of marines in their scarlet coats and John Gore, the Endeavours third lieutenant, who had a smattering of Tahitian from his visit on the Dolphin. Fa'a guided them towards the Dolphins old watering place where he suggested that the British might set up their shore camp; and the marines went through their drill, watched by a terrified crowd of islanders. Memories of the Dolphins cannons were still vivid, and after a pause their leader approached the strangers, prostrating himself, creeping on his hands and knees and offering Cook a green plantain branch as a sign of friendship. When Cook accepted the bough, Tu's people seemed astonished and extremely relieved. Each of Cook's companions was also given a branch, and the islanders led them in procession to a place where they scraped the ground bare of plants and laid down their plantains, followed by the marines and the rest of Cook's party. After this ceremony of peacemaking."

• p 144 Voyage 1 "the envoys led them to a large 'arioi house where Tutaha (whom Banks immediately dubbed 'Hercules' because of his magnificent physique) welcomed his guests to Tahiti. An imposing stature was the mark of a high chief in the Society Islands, and at over six feet tall, Tutaha was an impressive figure. Cook and Banks were also tall, however, each about six feet tall — unlike Tutaha's former taio Bougainville, who had been quite short, and Captain Wallis, who was so ill during his visit that he could barely stand upright.^ Tutaha presented each of his guests with a cock, a hen and a long piece of perfumed bark cloth, and in return Banks took off his silk neckcloth, ceremoniously presenting this with his linen handkerchief to Tutaha, delighting the great war leader. During the Dolphins visit, Tutaha had stayed away from Matavai Bay and now he was apprehensive, supposing that given their bond friendship with Purea, the British would feel obliged to avenge the 'Queen' and her people. Cook knew nothing about the recent battles, however, and oblivious to these political complexities, he greeted the Pare-'Arue war leader in an affable manner ..."

• p 144 Voyage 1 "..After these exchanges. Cook and his companions walked about the houses, where women pointed at mats and lay down seductively, offering them sex. During the voyage to Tahiti, Joseph Banks had revelled in the shipboard gossip about the delights to be enjoyed with island women, but on this occasion, as he noted ruefully, 'there were no places of retirement, the houses being intirely without walls, [and] we had not an opportunity of putting their politeness to every test that maybe some of us would not have faild to have done had circumstances been more favourable'.^ After walking along the beach for about a mile. Banks and Cook were greeted by another crowd of people, led by a dignified, bearded, middleaged man with frizzled black hair. This was Tepau (more formally known as Tepau-i-ahura'i), the chief of Fa'a'a, a district on the north-west end of the island, who like Tutaha was a senior 'arioi. Although Tepau was"

• p 147 V1 "Soon afterwards. Cook heard a rattle of musket shots from Point Venus. Gathering his party in alarm, he rushed back to the tent, where Monkhouse reported that after performing some comic tricks to distract the sentry, an islander had shoved the man and stolen his musket. When the midshipman ordered the marines to fire, they shot into the crowd, wounding two people before chasing the thief and shooting him dead."

• p 150 "Wary of offending the islanders, Banks advised Cook against burying Buchan ashore, and his corpse was taken out to sea where the burial service was read, and his body was dropped into the ocean. Later that morning, Tutaha and Tepau came out to the ship, each bringing a plantain branch, a pig, roasted breadfruit, yams and fruit, which they presented to Cook and Banks as a peace offering. "

• p 151 "On 21 April, Cook went to inspect the funeral bier {ox fare tupapa'u) that Green and Monkhouse had discovered, approaching the corpse so closely that his Tahitian companions shrank back in horror. Concluding that the islanders must believe in an afterlife given they provided the dead man with food, drink and tools. Cook added wryly, 'if it is a Religious ceremoney we may not be able to understand it, for the Misteries of most Religions are very dark and not easily understud even by those who profess them'.'^ At the same time, the Tahitians must have been wondering about the British, and whether they were gods or people. After killing this..."

• p 152 "Despite these tensions. Cook thought it safe for his men to go ashore, and on 23 April he gave them liberty under certain conditions. While they were at Tahiti they would not be provided with shipboard provisions, but must eat local foodstuffs. They were forbidden to go beyond One Tree Hill or commit any violent act, and any man who breached these instructions would be confined to the ship for the rest of their visit. As soon as the sailors were out of sight, however, they began to live out their shipboard fantasies."

• 154 v1 "Captain Cook was known as 'Tute'. Although these names were not very accurate, at least they were getting to know each other as individuals. Banks also learned that the island was called 'Otaheite' (Tahiti), and from that time on, he and Cook referred to it by its proper name. After dinner that evening, Tepau farewelled his friend, but soon returned in a fury. Taking Banks by the arm, he led him to a place where Henry Jeffs, the ship's butcher, was standing, indicating by signs that this man had gone into his house where he took a fancy to a stone axe, offered his wife Tomio a nail and demanded that she hand it over. When she refused, Jeffs had seized the axe and, throwing down the nail, brandished a reap hook and threatened to cut her throat if she protested. Jeffs had little to say in defence of his actions, and Banks promised Tepau that the butcher would be punished the next day on board the Endeavour."

• p 155 "Purea triumphandy brandished the doll in her enemy's direction. After the defeat of her people and the devastation of their district, Purea must have been elated at that moment. Uneasy to see her and Cook on terms of warm friendship, Tutaha became agitated, calming down only when Cook also took him on board and gave him gifts including a doll of his own, which he probably took to be some kind of tiH or ancestor figure from England. Shortly afterwards Purea and her entourage left Matavai Bay and returned to the east coast of the island,..."

• p 156 "Seizing him by the hand and insisting that her husband had been poisoned by some food that a sailor had given him, she led him to their house where Tepau was lying against a post, vomiting violently. After examining a remaining scrap of this *food' that had been wrapped in a leaf, Banks realised that the chief had swallowed a wad of chewing tobacco and told Tomio to give him coconut milk to drink, which quickly cured him. Reassured by this act of kindness, Tutaha visited the ship the next morning, entering the Great Cabin where he poked into every chest and drawer. Cook humoured the great chief, and when Tutaha noticed an iron replica of a Tahitian adze made in England and begged for it, he readily handed it over. During this visit, Tutaha was accompanied by a man who was so sacred that he had to be fed by hand. He was either a priest, or a chief who was under a temporary restriction because a relative had died, or the tapu of birth had not yet been lifted from his eldest child by the amo a rituals; but on this occasion there was no woman to feed him. At dinner this man sat stolidly at the table, not touching his food, until one of Banks's servants took pity on him and fed him by hand...."

• p 157: quadrant theft: "the British as a brilHant coup, Cook was aghast, because he and Green had sailed around the world to observe the Transit of Venus, and without the quadrant their mission would be futile. After offering a large reward for its return he had the fort searched; but there was still no sign of the missing instrument."

• p 162 voyage 1 STDs "n the Royal Navy, it was notorious that commanders found it much easier to keep their men under control when a ship was at sea and the sailors were working. When they went ashore, the sailors invariably got into trouble - they drank, brawled, broke the law and slept with local women. Aware of these dangers, Cook was determined to maintain discipline during his visit to Tahiti; and in particular, he wanted to prevent his men from infecting the islanders with venereal diseases (also known as 'Cupid's itch' or 'the curse of Venus' during the eighteenth century). ' These disorders included gonorrhea and the pox (or syphilis), a hideous disease that progressed to skin eruptions and, in the later stages, agonising pains and rotting skin, muscle, lips, noses and inner organs. Before they landed at Tahiti, Cook had ordered William Monkhouse to examine the sailors for these diseases; and after the surgeon assured him that only one of the crew was infected, this man was kept out of contact with the island women. According to the Endeavours muster roll, however, at least seven of the sailors were treated for venereal diseases during the month before they reached the island; and in fact, any man who had contracted syphilis and many of those who had caught gonorrhea during their visits to Rio de Janeiro and Tierra del Fuego must still have been infectious, despite being asymptomatic by the time of Monkhouse 's examination. ... In early May when some of the sailors began to show the symptoms of venereal diseases. Cook was bitterly disappointed. He tried to contain the outbreak by forbidding the infected men to sleep with Tahitian women. The crew were stubbornly uncooperative, however, as were the officers and members of the Royal Society party, most of whom had lovers on shore (listed in Solander's notebook as Aururu or 'Mrs Toaro' (Gore); Tiare or 'Mrs Boba' (Molyneux); Teatea Hautia, 'Mrs Tate' (Clerke); and Tuarua, 'Mrs Eteree' (Green)). Joseph Banks had his beautiful 'flame'"

• p 165 v1 mutinous behavior: "Mutiny was every captain's worst nightmare, and this was bad news for Cook. Molyneux made this report on a Sunday, when the Endeavours crew were off duty and idle. Tahiti was a seductive place, with its sandy beaches and coral reefs, plentiful fish and vegetable foods (at least at this time of year), and alluring, golden-skinned young women; and it is not surprising that the sailors were tempted to think of escaping the long voyage home and a life of poverty under the grey skies of England. When it became clear that his attempts to control sexual exchanges between his men and the Tahitians were futile. Captain Cook decided to ignore the matter. Obtaining a promise of good behaviour, he gave the offenders a chance to redeem themselves."

• p 186 "Just as the gods and the 'arioi were departing for the Season of Scarcity, Captain Cook decided to leave Matavai Bay for a time. He was tired of the difficulties that attended a long stay on shore - libidinous, grumbling sailors, quarrelsome chiefs and light-fingered islanders. The Admiralty had ordered him to produce detailed charts of each place that he visited, along with descriptions of their natural resources and people; and Joseph Banks was eager to collect more plants and make further observations of the islanders. Cook and the young botanist decided to take an excursion together along the east coast of Tahiti, and at 3 a.m. on 26 June they boarded the pinnace and set off, rowed by two sailors and guided by a man named Tuahu.'"

• p 196: Circling Tahiti foreshadowing the circling of hawaii: "Although Cook and Banks did not know this, their circling of the island echoed an ancient ritual practice. According to the missionary John Orsmond, when food and other gifts were distributed at a major ceremony, the leading 'arioi announced the gifts, 'in imagination [circling] all round Tahiti and Moorea making mention of the mountain — Assembling ground — River — Point of land — Harbour at the place, and the Chief's name [of each district]. Every priest on officiating before the Marae had to do the same. They never erred.' ^^ In the same way, when a chief returned home after a visit to another place, he made a circuit of the island, visiting one district after another; and when a party of 'arioi visited another island they made offerings at the main marae and then progressed around the coastline, giving performances in each district in succession. And when a new high chief was installed, his supporters sent his vane or banner in ..."

• P 197 "circuit around the coastline to each main marae, where the vane was ritually welcomed, or struck down if the succession was contested. Thus when Cook and Banks travelled around the coast of Tahiti, visiting the different districts, this was a powerful statement of mana - explaining why Vehiatua and his people in southern Tahiti (traditional enemies of the visitors' northern friends) had been so reluctant to receive them; and why Tupaia was delighted to see them safely back in northern Tahiti. And when Banks sat down with Tupaia to write down place names around the coast on a chart of the island, recording them in this new form of tatau (or tattoo - as the islanders called writing when they first saw it), this seemed yet another new way of asserting mana or control over the island."

• p 198 "Over the next few days. Cook worked hard to get the Endeavour ready for sea while Banks planted a large number of different kinds of seeds that he had brought from Rio de Janeiro (including watermelons, oranges, limes and lemons), making gardens in a range of soils and locations. Unfortunately, none of the seeds (except for the mustard seed) that Cook had brought from London had germinated, probably because of the way in which they had been stored. "

• 199 v1 : two marines desert: "wo nights later two marines escaped from the fort, which by this time had almost been dismanded. Clement Webb, steward of the gunroom, had fallen in love with a local girl; while Samuel Gibson, his sworn brother (or taio}) and reputedly a wild young man, also had a Tahitian lover. Tutaha had promised them land and servants if they joined him, and when they left the fort they fled to the west side of the island (no doubt to Pare). Cook decided not to act at once, but to wait in case they voluntarily returned to the Endeavour. By now, time was running out for any islander who wanted to procure iron tools or weapons, and that night when two foreign sailors went for a walk, a man struck one of them on the forehead with a large stone and stole his knife, while his companion was also slightly wounded."

• P 203: C lets T pilot the ship: "Cook had his own reasons for allowing Tupaia to pilot the Endeavour. During his meetings with the high priest at Matavai Bay, he had come to respect Tupaia's knowledge of the seas around Tahiti, and now that he was once again sailing into uncharted waters, he was eager to learn everything he could from the island navigator. In addition, Tupaia had convinced him that it would be possible to obtain plentiful supplies of fresh food in the Leeward Society Islands; and Cook wanted to give his men time to recover from the venereal infections that they had contracted in Tahiti before heading south in search of Terra Australis. When he told Cook and Molyneux about the surrounding archipelagos, Tupaia had passed on some of the basic information taught to star navigators — island lists, recited in the schools of learning. These lists included a brief description of each island - its name; size; "

• p 206: v1 arrival at Huahine "Early the next morning as they approached the north-west coast of the island, several canoes came out whose crews seemed very frightened. Tupaia talked with these people, who had never seen Europeans before, reassuring them that the strangers were friendly. Eventually a leading chief of Huahine, Ori (also known as Mato), a fine-looking man six feet four inches tall with a great mop of hair, came on board with his wife.'"^ When Tupaia introduced Ori to Cook, the chief exchanged names with the captain, taking him as his taio. As the Endeavour approached the pass leading into Fare Harbour, Tupaia sent an islander to dive down and measure the depth of its keel, impressing Cook with his caution; and guided the ship safely into the harbour."

• p 209-210 v1 claiming Tahiti for UK "When the ceremony was over. Cook ordered the English Jack (a white flag with the red cross of St George) to be hoisted on a pole. As the marines lined up in their scarlet coats, standing at attention. Cook read a proclamation formally taking possession of Ra'iatea, Taha'a, Huahine and Borabora in the name of King George III of Great Britain. For the Tahitian onlookers, this was an astonishing sight. Years earlier when the Borabora warriors had attacked Taputapuatea, Vaita, the priest of 'Oro, had prophesied that a canoe without an outrigger was coming, bringing a new kind of people who would take over the islands. In the company of these powerful strangers and in defiance of the Borabora conquerors, Tupaia had accomplished this prediction, bringing the 'canoe without an outrigger' to Taputapuatea and guiding the ..."

Sahlins 1995 How "natives" think : about Captain Cook, for example

• The article already includes his other book called Islands of history which covers the same material, ie that Cook was a god. There's really not much reason to bring a second book on same topic
• Book published as a refutation of Okey; focus is on how HI's viewed Cook as a god
  • Book is pretty dense & detailed: focusing on anthropology & the debate with Okey; not too many quotes that directly say "Cook was treated as a God".

• only 4 chatpers"
  • One: Captain Cook at Hawaii 17
  • TWo: Cook after Death 85
  • Three — Historical Fiction, Makeshift Ethnography 117
  • Four _ Rationalities: How “Natives” Think 148

• 1 Purpose of book: ".... Captain Cook increasingly gave way to his darker aspect during his third voyage of discovery in the Pacific. And this, argues the anthropologist Gananath Obeyesekere in a recent work, led Cook finally to his downfall at Hawaiian hands in February 1779. Presuming that as a native Sri Lankan he has a privileged insight into how Hawaiians thought, Obeyesekere is able to defend them against the imperialist myths that have ever since been inflicted on them. He claims that for a long time now Western scholars have deceived themselves and others with the conceit that indigenous peoples, as victims of magical thinking and their own traditions, could do nothing but welcome their European “discoverers” as gods. Cook was not the only one; Cortés was another. The famous version of this colonial myth that concerns Cook is that Hawaiians perceived him as a manifestation of their returning year-god Lono, and the rituals in which he was then entangled played a critical role in his death. The nefarious side of the Western “civilizing mission,” such contempt of the Other lives on in academic theory. And although one might think that between them Michael Taussig, James Clifford, and Francis Ford Coppola had scripted the heart-of-darkness metaphor to death, Obeyesekere would now also make Kurtz-work of my own writings on Captain Cook. He says that they add new dimensions of arrogance to the European myth of the indigenous people's irrationality.

• P 29: "The remainder of this chapter reviews the events of Cook's visits to Hawaii in 1778 and 1779, with an emphasis on the documentary evidence that he was greeted in Hawai'i island as a personification of the New Year god Lono."

• p 46-47: [ arrival in Kealakekua on big island in 2nd visit] "But already at Kealakekua Cook had received, if not a royal welcome, certainly something quite extraordinary. Probably it was the most generous reception ever accorded a European "voyage of discovery” in the Pacific Ocean (Brossard 1966:281). People on shore must have been following the progress of the ships around the island, for there were at least ten thousand on hand [ten thousand people; and one thousand canoes] .... Cook's arrival had epiphanal dimensions. This helps account for the tumultuous scene the British witnessed when they came into the Bay. “Anchored in 17/s black sand," went Midshipman Riou's log (17 Jan), “amidst an Innumerable Number of Canoes, the people in which were singing & rejoicing all the way.” It was pandemonium. Hundreds of canoes filled the waters of the bay—500 was the lowest number noted by chroniclers who purported to count them—as well as shoals of people swimming about and “all the Shore of the Bay was covered with people” (Beaglehole 1967:491). Not a weapon could be seen, Cook remarked. Rather the canoes were laden with pigs, breadfruit, sweet potato, sugar cane—with all the productions of the island. The women, said the surgeon William Ellis, “seemed remarkably anxious to engage themselves to our people” (1782, 1:86). They were well represented among the people who, in great numbers, clambered aboard the ships. And on board as well as in the water, on the shore and in their canoes, people were singing, dancing, shrieking, clapping and jumping up and down. They were jubilant.

• p 82 "Just as Cook's return was something like a mirror image of the Makahiki, so the scene on the morning of the 14th of February at Ka‘awaloa was reminiscent of the climactic ritual battle, the kali‘i, but played in reverse. The god Lono (Cook) was wading ashore with his warriors to confront the king. Rather than the reinstitution of human sacrifice by the king in celebration of the cult of the god Ki, news came to the Hawaiians gathered to protect Kalani‘opu'u that Lono's people had killed one of the chiefs—this was Kalimu, shot by Lieutenant Rickman’s blockading party at the north end of the bay. And certain other historical actors likewise assumed legendary roles.."

• p 87: "After Cook's death, no European ships touched at the Hawaiian islands for seven years, until 1786. Thenceforth, the early foreign visitors were mainly fur traders, and they recorded memories of Cook that were quite remarkable.? The demonstration of affection for “their beloved Cook” described in John Meares’ account of 1787 will set the scene of our discussion:..."

G. Williams source: The death of Captain Cook : a hero made and unmade

• Only 4 chapters
  • Ch 1 P 5-60 .. the death
  • ch 2 pp 61-129 - Viewed as an enlightened hero by Europeans
  • ch 3 pp 130-153 Cook in the Colonial Age ??
  • ch 4 pp 154-175 Cook in a Postcolonial world
  • Epilog: p 191
  • Many appendices

• p 1: Personaltiyt: Determinatio & Humanity
• P 1: "devoted to ars of peace"
• p 1: furnished Pac islands with Crops, implements, and Livestock
• p 1: Roy Soc president said CC never "wantonly or unnecessarily" opened fire or ind
• p 2: His journals showed "Cook's skills in placating wary islanders in that perilous moment of landing from an open boat on an unknown coast"
• P 2: HE was alwasy 1st asshoare, carrying no weapon; with arms outstreatched
• p 2-3: Chaotic death was paritlaly based on CC "impetuous" behavior, but has been converted into a shory of heroism & martyrdom
• P 3: I much of Polynesia, Cook is conseered a "powerful ancestral chief"; whites in those countries view him as a "Father of the nation"
• p 3-4: HI: Viewed as an idolater & libertine; who deseriveed death
• P 6-7: after 2nd voyage, no one wanted to ask C to lead 3rd voyage, but he was asked to conslut, and he beame enthusiastic about it
• P 7: Parliament had at $20K lb reward for finding the NW passage
• p 8: on 2nd Voyage, Cook was ill twice (2nd time "dangerously so")
• P 8: on 3rd voayge Cooks "patience ran out" du toe timetabel slipping
• P 8: "Croppings of ears" is one punishment he inflicted on indig
• p 17-18: Oct 1777 2 goats stolen: "dozens" of huts & canoes stolen;
  • P 17: "Plantations cut down"
• p 15-25 ?? focuses on conflicting accounts off cooks voyage & death; exaggeratiosn; censorship, etc
• p 22: official versio nof Coks voyage published in June 1784 leading to "Adoration"'
• p 35-40 - sumamrize the official version of the death
• p 41: some of cooks remains had been distrubted aamng cheifes of HI
• p 41: 17 men killed at Kaawaloa; 8 killed elsewhere: total 25
• p 42: Official accnts hid or eemphasized the fact that HI thougth Cook was a god
  • Also mentioend on earlier pages
• p 44 Official acct was edited by Douglas; it wwas the primary source until Beaglehold in 1974; DOugleas edited was not entriely accurate
• P 45: In Nootka: locals offered as trade goods "Human skulls and hands"
• pp 45-46 examples where Douglas makes slight alteratiosn to COoks ms
• p 60: The official versio nof v3 (ed Douglas & King) helped to establish CC as a hero
• p 64-65: scurvy prevention becomse recognized & reswarded'
• pp 65-70 AFter news of death reaches ENg: obituaries (relying a lot on 2nd voyage stuff)
• p 70-80 artists & art of CC
• p 79-82: worship as Lono, Sacriledge?
• p 82-83: Kippis publ book on Cook that helped promote Cook as a hero
• p 70-90 .. this chapter lists a bunch of Europeans that wrote about Cook from 1790 to 1800s and established him as a hero
• pp 89-90: Cooks personality: quiet, reserved, stern, unyielding, strict, hot-tempered,
• P 90: CC was "never happier" than when dealing withh natives (quoting Zimmerman)
• pp 90=91: Rage at crimes/offenses; punishing officers & seamen
• P 94: list of officers that served with Cook and later when on to be leaders in their own right: "tanding against him were the ranks of Cook’s men who dominated the British voyages to the Pacific in the remaining years of the century. Bligh, Dixon, Portlock, Colnett, Riou, Hergest, Vancouver had all graduated in that most demanding of training schools, service with Cook."
• pp 95-97 : Views of CC by french, spanish, etc
• pp 99-102 - Visits to HI by later explorers, 5 to 15 yrs after CC death
• pp 101-105 - Cooks reputatiosn in HI soon after his death; many claims of who killed CC; stories in HI about CC's death
• pp 109-112 - Receptio nof Cook in other places in Pacifici: NZ, etc
• pp 111-112 - Sparrman stripped; punishment
• p 112: Cook establishing friendships with Chiefs in various places
• pp 112-113 Cook was curious about places curiosity;
• P 113: Motives for Polynesians for establishing friendships with EUros: allies in war; trading; valuable iron from ships;
• p 114-115: Cook was fair when intervening in disputes between crew & natives
  • 114-115 one crewman even says that the indig. thought he was fair
• p 115: attempts to control STD xmission;
• p 115: C's chastitiy: on Nomuka isle in 2nd voyage: old Tongan woman berated C for nto sleeping with a young woman
• P 116: the massage he received on Tahiti in 3rd voyage
• p 117: 1st landingg on HI 3rd voyage 21 Jan 1778 : on Kauai & N ihau HI protrate themselves; This was the first time any indig had prostrated as greeting C on any island/land
• p 118: Even more elaboratre greeting when he landed at big island Jan 1779: escorts of prieests, mass prostrattions; ceremoney on a heiau (HI stone temple)
• p 118-119: crew confused by god-like treatment and multiple naems: Orono; Lono; Erono; etc
• p 119: Scholars today difffer on whether C was viewd as a god or a high chief
• p 120: After Cs death: Some HI wept; some taunted the crew; some asked when Lono would return (as if he was immortal)
• p 120 of the 17-25 HI that died after C's death: 5 were chiefs.
• p 121: HI built memorials to COok, and/or buriied some of his remains on existing heiau (stone platform temples; aka morai or morea)
• p 121: hi SPOKE OF C with reverence 10+ yrs after death
• pp 121-122 : most of Cook's bones were kept by the HI kings
• pp 122-123 plots by indeg to kill C during travels
  • p 127 ( etc) Cook's name in Polynesiasn was Tute or Tutee
• p 128: After C death: on Tanna Isle (Vanuatu) indig still recall C putting Marine in irons for killing indig
• p 131: During 1700s to 1815 and beyond, there were NO big/major monuments to COok eredcted in England !
• pp 132-133 - Missionaris starty arriving in Polynedais from 1796 onward
• pp 136-137: writer Walter Besant criticized cook for acccepting so many honors from Indig, and claimed that they led to C's death; and C should have refused honors
• p 140: in the 20th c (in Austraila), worship of Cook grew: used by whites: in educcatin etc. hero & founder of Australia
• p 141: Austra ignored the Dutch exploreres that mapped 2/3 of Aust coast
• p 142-144: hostitility to memory of Cook developed in 1800s as missioanris arrived in HI and beging to work
• p 144-145, 148-149: HI missoianries start lying about Cook: saying he was responsbiel for harming HI people, e.g. by intruducing & spreading STDs; also falsely said C fired guns into HI people upon arrival
  • primary motive of lies was anti-British attidue of US missionaries
• pp 145-150 summary of Cook's approach to STDs in HI, attempts to prevent
  • p 146: C floggged men who disobeyed STD xmission orders
  • p 147: various opinions of crew: STDs where there before C's first arrival; STDs gotten from Spaniards; doubth that it could travel from Kauai to big island in one year
• p 148-149: HI missionary Dibble wrote a chapeter in his anti-C book that origanted the (perhaps valid)_ theory that C was Makahiki, because C's 2nd arrival was durring the 4-month Makahiki festival; and circled the island anti-clockwise
  • HI student of Dibble compiled a book of HI legends/storeis ("Mooolelo") including stories about Lono & COok, and clearly indicates that HI thoguth Cook was LOno, at least until C stumbled on the beach & was killed
  • James Jackson Jarves white american wrote a book that also repeated that C had sex with a HI princess & spread sTDs, and falsety that C shot guns into people upon arrival
• pp 150-153: More negatives assessments in C in HI (but limited to HI)
• pp 154-155: Beaglehole publ 3 vol edition of C's journals, Plus biography: new era of scholarship, and finally publ & easy acess to C's own words
• p 155 Bernard Smith begins publ books about pacific exploration & C w/ emphasis on artists & naturalists (not just sailing, navigation/ conflict)
• p 155 focus on Death & violence: book Fatal Impact by Moorehead, Alan
• p 157: 1970-80: era of post-colonialism in historians begins: treats Indig with more respect & explorers as evil invaders
• p 158: austr First fleet arrival in 1788 begins being publi as bad by Aborig
• p 159: Beagleholes bio of C de-emphasizes theory/fact that C was viewed as a god, and instead focused on C being tired, and getting frutrated by threfts, and finallly "the strained cord snapped".
• p 159-161: Stahlins introduces strong proof that C was indded viewed as a god, and that that belief had a key role in his death (not only C' frustration on thefts)
• pp 150=165, 174-175 is a kind of Historigraphy: summarizing evolving views of C (at least, of his god-ness)
• pp 161-2 Obeyesekere - argues against Sahlins,
• p 164: the Fatal Impact book presetns inidgi has hapless victims, hence not great
• pp 164-165: list of monumnents to Cook
• pp 166-170: C is very very popular (in western world) from 1970 (bicentenn) onwards: books, art, entertainment, etc
• p 171-172: Austr Aborig storis are generally negative about C
• pp 172-173 Austr whites: museums & schools now treat C more balanced & include negative impacts of his travels
• p 172: HI indig still consider C negatively
• p 173: Nookta in British Columbia:
• pp 174-175 - historigraphy: how historians treat C in 21st c
• pp 174-175: still open for debate: how responsible is C for subsequent imperialism & coloniszation in Pacific??

Research TBD (relatiosn with indigenous)

• Research: Robson 2004: pp 120-123.
  • These pages are a chronologica list of interactions with indigenous: listing killings, thievery, sex, trading, etc. No generalites.
  • Caution: p 121 has mistake says following quote is from COok, but it is from Banks: "Thus ended the most disagreable day My life has yet seen, black be the mark..." where Banks expresses regret about killings of Maori in 1st couple of days of relatiosn in Pverty Bay.

• RObson 2004: p 123: has a good syummary of remembrance of COok in places he visuited
  • NZ: don't like, e.g. demanded acknoledgement of Maori deaths in 1970 bicentenery
  • Austt: Cook is in legends, art, etc INCLUDIG north austr that had no direct contact with him
  • Cook Islands: tho independent, have kep tthe name

• THomas p xxxii - summarizes perception of Cook by indigenous
  • p xxxii - Some HI activits focus on COok's introduction of STDs (not to say deliberate)

• THomas p 153: NZ 1st contaCT: Oct 1769 CAUTION: folllowing quote is fro Hawkesworth, who has paraphrases COok's actual words "I am conscious that the feeling of every reader of humanity will censure me for having fired upon these unhappy people, and it is impossible that, upon a calm review, I should approve it myself. They certainly did not deserve death for not chusing to confide in my promises; or not consenting to come aboard my boat, even if they had apprehended no danger; but the nature of my service required me to obtain a knowledge of their country, which I could no otherwise effect than by forcing my way into it in a hostile manner, or gaining admission through the confidence and good-will of the people. I had already tried the power of presents without effect; and I was now prompted, by my desire to avoid further hostilities, to get some of them on board, as the only method left of convincing them that we intended no harm, and had it in our power to contribute to their gratification an"

• Salmond TCD p 118:Oct 1769 Cooks own words re NZ 1st contact deaths (Crew inclu Banks killed 2; then Cook kidnapped 3 to bring them on board ship to demonostrate his frinedlyesse (and wounded some in the process): "I am aware that most humane men who have not experienced things of this nature will cencure my conduct in fireing upon the people in this boat nor do I my self think that the reason I had for seizing on her will ate all justify me, and had I thought that they would have made the least resistance I would not have come near them, but as they did I was not to stand still and suffer either my self or those that were with me to be knocked on the head.”"

• Tried to be freindly e.g. 1st meting on NZ: Oct 1769 My own words (in article already) based on Thomas p 92-93: Cook's approach to interactions with the Māori was to offer greetings and exchange gifts, in an attempt to establish friendly relations. But if his crew was threatened, he often ordered a quick and decisive use of force, despite his instructions from the Royal Society.

• Robson 2004: p 120: Lord oF MOrton (RS) insstructiosn for 1st voyage:
  • 2nd source for same: https://www.library.gov.au/learn/digital-classroom/indigenous-responses-cook-and-his-voyage/hints-offered-consideration
  • Lord oF MOrton "To check the petulance of the Sailors, and restrain the wanton use of Fire Arms. To have it still in view that sheding the blood of those people is a crime of the highest nature:- They are human creatures, the work of the same omnipotent Author, equally under his care with the most polished European; perhaps being less offensive, more entitled to his favor. They are the natural, and in the strictest sense of the word, the legal possessors of the several Regions they inhabit. No European Nation has a right to occupy any part of their country, or settle among them without their voluntary consent. Conquest over such people can give no just title; because they could never be the Aggressors."

• Salmond: TCD p 32: "According to these instructions [of the first voyage], Cook was to explore the coasts of Terra Australis, and, failing that, of New Zealand; to describe the soil, animals and birds, fish, mineral resources and flora; to cultivate a friendship with the inhabitants and observe their ‘Genius, Temper, Disposition and Number’. He must gain their consent for possession to be taken of convenient situations in the country for King George III of Great Britain. All logbooks and journals were to be collected at the end of the voyage and sealed for delivery to the Admiralty. None of the crew was permitted to discuss the voyage with anyone until they were given permission to do so.

• Research: Salmond TCD: pp = s, 81, 117-18, 275-7, 317, 318-19, 338, 367-9
  • Salm p 117-118: 1st contanct with Maori NZ: regret by Cook over deaths
  • Salm p 276: quotes cook about phiklopshy if deatling with Indig: "Three things made them our fast friends, Their own good Natured and benevolent disposition, gentle treatment on our part, and the dread of our fire Arms; by our ceaseing to observe the Second the first would have wore off, and the too frequent use of the latter would have excited a spirit of revenge and perhaps taught them that fire Arms were not such terrible things as they had imagined, they are very sencible of the superiority they have over us in numbers and no one knows what an enraged multitude might do.”*"
  • Salm p 275: 2nd voyage: August 6-20, 1774. A marine shot & killed indig on island of Tanna, and Cook had him arrested & was angry at marine: "At this time I had my eyes fixed on them and observed the sentery present his piece (as I thought at the men) and was just going to reprove him for it, because I had observed that when ever this was done, some or another of the Natives would hold up their arms, to let us see they were as ready as us, but I was astonished beyond measure when the sentry fired for I saw not the least cause ... The rascal who perpetrated this crime, pretended that a Man had laid an arrow a Cross his bow and was going to shoot it at him, so that he apprehended himself in danger, but this was no more than what they had always done, and I believe with no other view than to shew they were armed as well as us.”

Research: communication/ speaking foreing languageed

Research: participating in ceremonies/rituals

GA revview actions =

• Cites needed
  • DONE last sentence of the first paragraph of "Early life": "In 1741, after five years of schooling, he began work for his father who had been promoted to farm manager. "
    • DONE
  • DONE Caot of arms: "Adopted" date
  • DONE Coat of arams: the two mottos "Motto"
  • DONE-CMNTD-OUT footnote u - Duration of 1st voyage
  • DONE y, At the time, Tasmania was named Van Diemen's Land. Thomas 291
  • DONE-CMNTD-OUT ac, - Duration fo 2nd voyage
  • DONE al, - Cook did not encounter the large island on this visit.
  • DONE a,= Born on 7 November (New Style), 27 October (Old style). Dates in this article are in the New Style.
    • • DONE all 3x Name is |name=ns|
  • av DONE-CMNTD-OUT duratio nof 3rd voyage
  • aw, DONE At time of the marriage, Cook was 34 and Elizabeth was 20.
  • bc - DONE Today, most languages in the south Pacific Ocean are categorised within the Austronesian language group.
  • be. - The collection is managed by the Göttingen Institute of Cultural and Social Anthropology. The collection is in Germany because the artefacts originated from the collections of German naturalists Johann Reinhold Forster and his son, Georg Forster, who were on Cook's second voyage. A photo gallery displaying some of the items

• • BEfore commenting out eight (8) footnotes: teh max fn was [bg]; after 8 del should be [ay] max

• Footnote 31: Royal Society co-sponsored voyage 1
  • 31 is page cix of Beaglehoel 1968; expand to cv
  • also in HOugh pages 46, 63 in SMALL edition
  • THomas: page 18-20

• Footnote 236: I have to get this one from Hancock
  • Beaglehole 1974, pp. 669–672.
  • on sentecne aobut deeath "news across the bay" made situation more tense
  • It is on page 671

• 261: This is actually on page 426
  • Collingridge 2003, pp. 424–425.
  • on sentence "The couple had six children:.."

A. Salmond "Trial of Cannibal dog"

• X p 282-285: C asks about Adbventure & death rumors
• X p 290: C learns of 11 boat crew deaths
• X Diseases: 163 (disyntery) 176, 186, 192; Tuberculosis: 28, 70, 161, 164
• X Adventure: separetd from Resoulutin: 179, 221, 222
• X Adventure: return to Egnland after 11 deths: 230-231, 294
• X Omai on board the Adventure: 207-213; 22c6
• NG Men on Resolution taken to be anscestral spirits: 268, 270, 278
• X Antartic waters & Terra Australis: 178-180, 231-234
• Aboriginals: 152-9; 265; 310-311
• Banks' sex: 66-67, 72, 75, 90, 98,168-9; 175; 199; 294
• X Botany Bay: 152-155
• NG Cannibal Dog: 1-9; 316-317
• X nnibalism (Maori): 2, 125, 136-7, 141-5; 190, 222-6, 228-30; 248
• NG FRS memberr? 301
• How Tonga Remembers Gook: 426
• How Hawaii remembersds Cook: 426-429
• How Tahiti rememberrs Cook: 429-30
• Batavia experience/illness of crew: 162-154
• X Cooks death: 409-416
• Venerration of C in Hawaii: 383-4; 394-408; 426-9
• New Zealand circumnavigation: 113-151
• C's views of Maori: 127-128 137; 224; 290, 318-9
• Terra Australist serach: 180-113; 147-51; 175-80; 231-4; 282, 288-9
• X HUman sacrifce (Society Islands): 356, 358-61
• C in Tonga (aka Freindly islands) 214-9;
• Attempts to kill CVook: (besides HI) Raiatea: 377, 415; in Tonga: 332-3
• X C hospital job: 300-1;
• C post-captain 305
• Treatment of Indigenous by C: 81, 117-8; 275-7; 317-9; 3389; 367-9
• Dicipline & floggin (on Endeavour): 81,
• Flogging of indigenous? 165, 289, 394, 433-7
• Flogging of crew: many, many pages ... see book
• X Great Bar Reef ground: 156-7 Repair 157-9
• Tupaia on Endeavour in Tahitit: 95-6;
• X Tupaia as xlator in NZ: 116-34; 141-5
• DUPL of existing cites; Tupaia: cannot talk to Austgr Aborig
• Tupais disgusted by cannibalism in NZ: 125, 137, 144
• Ben FRanklin: 169-170
• X Killing/cannabl of 11 at Grass Cove: 2-4, 228-230 (Cook later: 314-315)
• X 3rd voyage stops at: Kauai: 380-4, 389; Maui: 389-90; Nihau: 384-5, 389 Oahu 379-80
• Hawkesworth & 1st voyage book: 291, 293
• Resolution carried poly Mahine/Hitihiti ... but he was not a xlator: 213, 220-2, 244, 316
• KerguelenIsland: 309-310
• X Livestock carried: 312-3; 336; 352-3; 366;
• Pig as gift: 97-8; 103
• Omai / mai: return to Tah: 351-7; house built for him: 369-74; UK (294-301)
• NW passage: 302, 386-9
• Point venus: 67-9; 78, 200
• C's navigation: 35-6; 38, 74; 101, 105, 110-1
• Poverty Bay: 113-9
• PUnishmenst infliced on Polynesians:
  • Canoes sized or burned: 91, 367-9
  • Hostages: 73, 94-5; 117; 211; 254; 328; 330; 333; 338; 342-3,
  • Shaved heads: 328
  • Houses burned: 367-9
• Scurvy: 62-3; 386, 192 235, 244, 387
• Sex: Raitatea: 256, 375; Easter Isl: 236, 239; HI: 382, 384-5; 394, 398-9; NZ: 124, -5, 185-8; 221, 313; Tahiti: 49, 64, 193, 198-9, 248, 362; Tonga: 262, 326, 334, 341
• KIllings of Polynesias: 42-46; 64, 68, 116-7; 130, 145, 275-6, 315-6, 381, 391
• South Georgia: 288
• St. Helena: 292
• "Taio" = Ceremonial friendships tween C and indig (ritual?) 193-4, 198-9; 199-204 etc
• Tapu breaches: 70, 73, 81, 100, 226, 346-9, 353, 398-9
• Terra Austr: Resoltuion Search 170, 175-80, 192, 231-4; 288-9
• THefts by indigenous: many pages: see book
• Trading goods: many, see bookd
• HI leader give cloak to C: 390
• C arrives in HI during Lono etc ceelbrations: 390-1
• DId HI think C was deity? Answer: YES 390-1
• Debeate over whther C was deity: 390-1 ("Hotly debatged")
• Cook appearance and character: GREAT 1st person quot eon p 424
  • THE whole page is fantnanstic; based on notes of crewman Zimmerman

JOurnal sources to investigate

• Captain Cook upon Changing Seas: Indigenous Voices and Reimagining at the British Museum. Academic Journal

By: McLaren, Annemarie; Clark, Alison. Journal of Pacific History. Sep2020, Vol. 55 Issue 3, p418-431. 14p. DOI: 10.1080/00223344.2019.1663390. , Database: Academic Search Complete

• Captain Cook at Nootka: The Political Aftermath: In March 1778 Cook was the first European to set foot on the Pacific coast of Canada. Periodical

By: Woodcock, George. History Today. Feb78, Vol. 28 Issue 2, p97. 8p. 5 Black and White Photographs.

T&F

• T&F: Monumental geo-politics: ocean, land and Captain Cook in interwar Australia Alessandro Antonello

History Australia, Volume 18, 2021 - Issue 4

• T&F POLITICAL CAPTAIN COOK.

By: Cameron-Ash, Margaret. Globe (0311-3930). 2014, Issue 75, p1-10. 10p.

• T&F Gift Exchange and Interpretations of Captain Cook in the Traditional Kingdoms of the Hawaiian Islands. Dye, ThomasS. Journal of Pacific History. Dec2011, Vol. 46 Issue 3, p275-292. 18p. DOI: 10.1080/00223344.2011.632895.

• T&F Two Hundred and Fifty Ways to Start an Essay about Captain Cook SOMERVILLE, ALICE TE PUNGA. New Zealand Journal of History. Apr2019, Vol. 53 Issue 1, p3-49. 47p.

• T&F: "Maui and Orphic blood": Cook's Death in Contemporary Maori Poetry. Orr, Bridget. Eighteenth Century: Theory & Interpretation. Summer2008, Vol. 49 Issue 2, p165-179. 15p. DOI: 10.1353/ecy.0.0011.

• T&F: Remembering Cook, Again: The State of a Mixed-Media Field. Fullagar, Kate. Australian Historical Studies. Nov 2021, Vol. 52 Issue 4, p611-631. 21p. DOI: 10.1080/1031461X.2021.1958879. *** HISTORIOGRAPHY ***

• T&F Coming to terms with Captain Cook: exhibiting the 250th anniversary of the Endeavour voyage. Parker, Katherine. Journal of Historical Geography. Apr2019, Vol. 64, p98-103. 6p. DOI: 10.1016/j.jhg.2019.03.007.

• T&F: Captain Cook's longitude determinations and the transit of Mercury — common assumptions questioned. Keir, Bill. Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand. Jun2010, Vol. 40 Issue 2, p27-38. 12p. 3 Charts. DOI: 10.1080/03036758.2010.482971.

JSTOR

Scott Ashley: How Navigators Think:

• How Navigators Think: The Death of Captain Cook Revisited Scott Ashley Past & Present, No. 194 (Feb., 2007), pp. 107-137 https://www.jstor.org/stable/25096661
  • p 109: Death of Cook: very contradictory & confusing accounts: "As we shall see, once we get really close to our contemporary sources for the events in Kealakekua Bay, it rapidly becomes apparent that almost all our 'facts' are in some way contested or interpreted differently by someone, and that in many cases it is

unlikely that our 'eyewitnesses' saw anything at all. But if history is a sceptical discipline, it is also a pragmatic one. The challenge is to find new ways of fitting the shattered pieces of the story back together. It is a cliche to note that men and women in the past did not write for the benefit of the historian, but it is equally self evident that we have not always been very good at thinking about who they did write for and why. If the textual remnants from the crews of the Resolution and Discovery cannot be relied on to tell us what really happened on the morning of Cook's death, then we need to change the questions we ask of them .... Scholars of Cook's death have long recognized that the Briti accounts have left no agreed and unproblematic narrative of tha day's events on the rocks by Kaawaloa village. Both in his edition of the journals and in his life of the captain, the pioneer of mode Cook studies, John Cawte Beaglehole, was very"

• • P 135-137: Conclusion: "We have travelled a long way from our original question of what James Burney and Charles Clerke saw through their telescopes,

but we have come closer to finding the right keys to unlock the seemingly irreconcilable details found in the journals, keys that once found may allow us to get closer to what drove those men who sailed with James Cook and then relentlessly wrote and argued about what they experienced. Clerke, the ailing power broker, may have found his view of Cook's death obscured less by the 'confused crowd' than by his last efforts to keep hold of the levers of patronage by acting as a 'friend' to Williamson. Burney and Clerke had found themselves at loggerheads from the begin ning of the voyage; perhaps Burney's clear sighting of Cook on the beach was more about ongoing antagonism against his captain than the actualities of light entering the eye.83 If Burney himself was born in King's Lynn and was an adult citizen of London, he was a 'marginal man' in his own way as part of one of the eighteenth century's most famous, because self-publicizing, upwardly mobile families: 'a low race of mortals', as Hester Thrale called the clan in 1779.84 Perhaps he had his own follow ing, his own hunt after prizes too. here are many strands that go to make up a story and some of them come from unexpected places. In this history of how Cook's death came to be recounted by the men of the Resolution and 82 Neither ship was unusual in the Georgian navy for being crewed by provincials: Rodger, Wooden World, 156-8; Linda Colley, 'Going Native, Telling Tales: Captivity, Collaborations and Empire', Past and Present, no. 168 (Aug. 2000), 185 and n. 46. Wilson, Island Race, 173-4, also sees a connection between shipboard friction and the social profile of the crew. 83 Salmond, Trial ofthe Cannibal Dog, 309. 84 Thraliana: The Diary of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale (later Mrs. Piozzi), 1776-1809, ed. Katharine C. Balderston, 2 vols., 2nd edn (Oxford, 1951), i, 368 and n. 136 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 194 Discovery it has been the social experiences of the eighteenth century navigators that have played the most decisive role. The distinctively early-modern structure of the navy, lovingly recre ated by generations of maritime historians, with its creaking wheels oiled by patronage as well as merit, has provided a new perspective on how institutional pressures shaped the facts of Cook's death. Equally, changing opportunities for social success and advancement created by the nationalizing of Britishness heightened the competition among Cook's 'provincial' crew, determining their responses to his death. Just because the tragedy unfolded thousands of miles from the British Isles does not mean that our navigators had left the mental furniture of their home land behind. Perhaps there are even more networks of power and authority shaping the narrative waiting to be uncovered by the historian. Were there political communities on board ship, Whigs and Tories? King's attempted working of his parliamentary con nections and Williamson's purported connections with Fox and the duchess of Devonshire suggest there may have been. Was James King, kinsman to the pro-opposition Fletcher Norton, pro tective of Williamson because of shared political sympathies? Was religious affiliation, a largely neglected topic among maritime historians, important?85 If King has emerged as a remarkably busy social agent in the aftermath of Cook's death, what of the great explorer himself? How dense and effective were his net works of grace and favour? In recent years those writing about Britain's expansion into the Pacific have learned to appreciate Australian, Maori, Native American and Hawaiian testimonies and to integrate them into their work. There has been a fruitful attempt to understand how natives think. This article deliberately has had nothing to say about the most extensive and well-known recent debate about Cook's death, the ill-tempered exchange between Marshall Sahlins and Gananath Obeyesekere over the question of whether Cook was killed because he was believed by the Hawaiians to be the returning god Lono.86 I think it is now time to shift attention 85 For some comments, see Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea, 169-79; Richard C. Allen, '"Remember Me to my Good Friend the Captain": James Cook and the North Yorkshire Quakers', in Glyndwr Williams (ed.), Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments (Woodbridge, 2004). 86 Gananath Obeyesekere, The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific (Princeton, 1992); Sahlins, How 'Natives' Think. HOW NAVIGATORS THINK 137 back to the British themselves and to rescue them from a well meaning condescension that has recovered the sophistication and variety of the Pacific islanders but left Cook's men looking like a homogeneous and naive body, lacking the conceptual tools to record their barely comprehended encounters. No one should underestimate the capacity of people, however readily we assume we know them, to have their own distinct and, at first sight, indecipherable cultural strategies. Their accounts of what happened to Cook at Kealakekua Bay are inadequate and contra dictory, but then ethnography was not what primarily interested those men, 'ready to find fault with everybody's conduct but their own', whose real subjects were the rituals, hierarchies and sacrifi cial victims to be found on board the Resolution and Discovery.*1 If the writing of history is all about the difficult task of interpreting the ambiguous gestures of the dead, then historians can all take a useful lesson from the mistake of Lieutenant Williamson at Kealakekua Bay. His error was to try to gauge the meaning of Cook's wave without considering the likeliest context in which he made it. Social history, which is at its best an anthropology of the familiar, can help restore to the British sailors something of their likely contexts in the otherness of eighteenth-century life. It can teach valuable lessons about how navigators think. University of Newcastle Sc

More JSTOR

• WORSHIPPING CAPTAIN COOK Deborah Bird Rose, Debbie Bird Rose

Social Analysis: The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice, No. 34 (December 1993), pp. 43-4

• Gift Exchange and Interpretations of Captain Cook in the Traditional Kingdoms of the Hawaiian Islands THOMAS S. DYE The Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 46, No. 3 (DECEMBER 2011), pp. 275-292

• TURTLE WAR: CAPTAIN COOK'S ENVIRONMENTAL CRISIS ON THE GREAT BARRIER REEF

Iain McCalman The Great Circle, Vol. 34, No. 2 (2012), pp. 7-18

• Polychronicon: The 'Dying God': Captain Cook and Uses of anthropology

Peter Claus Teaching History, No. 128, BEYOND the EXAM (September 2007), pp. 44-45

Misc

Igler 2013: The Great Ocean: Pacific Worlds from Captain Cook to the Gold Rush

• David Igler – The Great Ocean: Pacific Worlds from Captain Cook to the Gold Rush (2013)

1. Chapter 1: Trade/commerce. Focus on Alta CAlifornia. Has NO discussion of myth in HI that cook deliberately introduced STDs
2. Chapter 2 is devoted to STDs (not limited to COok) pp=43-72
3. Chapter 3 on hostages, captives, ransom p 73
4. Cha p4 The Great Hunt - whale hunting p 99
5. Chap 5 Naturalists & Natives p 129
6. Chap 6 Assembling the Pacific p 155
7. Conclusion: East becomes West p 181

• ?? book seems to focus on eastern pacific more than western pacific? See pp 8 to 11

P 5-8: "Prior to the 1770s, the eastern Pacific encompassed a disconnected set of indigenous homelands and contending European imperial ventures. In the coming decades, however, commerce quickly multiplied the range of interactions between maritime traders and indigenous peoples. Native populations from Polynesia to Alaska experienced epidemiological chaos as exploratory and trading voyages introduced new diseases to indigenous communities....By the late 1840s, the expansion of global trade, consequent decades of indigenous depopulation, and the effects of US territorial conquests had radically transformed the eastern portions of the Pacific."

• p 14 disease transmissioN: " .... to Captain James Cook during his ill-fated third Pacific voyage, demonstrates the tragic ramifications of these encounters. Neither Cook nor Clerke survived the voyage, and yet more important than their widely mourned deaths was the disease burden transmitted to all native groups by European and American voyagers. This chapter follows disease vectors in Hawai'i, the Californias (Baja and Alta), Tahiti, and the Northwest Coast’s Columbia River basin, charting the appalling human cost of maritime traffic and personal encounters in the Pacific"

• P 22: Lots of trade already in SW pacific "Beginning in the 1500s, the commercial traffic of Asian and European nations in the southwestern Pacific distinguished itself by global commodity exchanges, long-distance voyages, and, with the Spanish galleon trade, transoceanic trade routes. China, as with many subsequent commercial affairs, propelled early oceanic trade in the Pacific. The Nanyang (“Southern Ocean”) trade in the China Sea dated back to the eleventh century, with junks departing from Guangzhou (Canton) and other ports for an arc of polities from the Gulf of Siam to Burma, Sumatra, western Java, and Borneo.'* Curtailed over the centuries by various rulers, the Nanyang trade reappeared in 1684 when the Kangxi emperor declared the south China coast open to ..."

• p 35: BC traders were experienced in negotiations, bargaining & trade BEFORE Cook arrived "Indigenous fur traders grasped the profit motive all too well, the British captain John Meares concluded in 1790: “We found to our cost” that the Indians “possessed all the cunning necessary to gains of mercantile life””? Captain Cook discovered the same tenacity among natives when he attempted to acquire basic supplies on the Northwest coast: “Thave no[where] met with Indians who had such high notions of every thing the Country produced being their exclusive property as these; the very wood and water we took on board they at first wanted us to pay for.’...

• p 44: large number of diseases carried by Cook's crew: "And yet despite the low mortality, the actual disease load carried by the Discovery and Resolution—in conjunction with Cook’s two previous Pacific voyages—still beggars the imagination. Officers and crewmembers became ill from tuberculosis, assorted “fevers” including malaria and dengue, dysentery, dropsy, pneumonia, influenza, viral hepatitis, smallpox, and venereal diseases.’ Of course, the true burden of disease must be measured not only by its impact on the ships’ crews, but more significantly, on the indigenous people plagued by these introduced diseases. Severe, in some instances devastating, consequences followed in the wake of Cook's vessels. Native groups in Tahiti, New Zealand, Australia, Hawai'i, and the Northwest Coast all paid dearly for their direct exposure to individuals like Charles Clerke, a man who spewed lethal tubercular bacilli with each cough. While Cook’s men were no more diseased than any other group of foreign Pacific voyagers, they nonetheless represent the tip of an epidemiological iceberg that ravaged and depopulated indigenous communities in the coming decades."

• p 45: Sex: coercion; STDs a Major factor in depopulation: "As much as any other factor in depopulation, sex between indigenous people and outsiders—the primary focus of this chapter—often proved devastating. These sexual relations, which involved varying degrees of coercion, failed to produce healthy offspring or reproduce viable populations. Rather, sex with foreign sailors disseminated venereal disorders and their hidden consequences of infertility, infant mortality, and brutal assaults on immune systems. Thus, while com-..."

• p 50: sex: consent vs coerceion: [focus on Tahiti] "What drove the active sexual marketplace that resulted in widespread infection, infertility, and life-threatening illness for indigenous people? The answer is fairly self-evident from the perspective of European and American sailors, who spent years away from home and, as Bougainville explained, “hadn’t seen women in six months.” They all desired sex; preferably the kind that they could imagine was consensual. But a simple payment in the form of trade goods usually translated to adequate “consent” regardless of who actually received the goods. The participation of indigenous women is far more complicated and reflects a spectrum of circumstances, ranging from willing engagement to coercion and rape. European and American sailors perceived willing consorts across Polynesia— most notably on Hawai'i, Tahiti, and the Marquesas, where sailors openly fornicated with native women on ship deck and shore. Many scholars have examined cultural factors to explain this apparent willingness by some Polynesian women to engage in sex with outsiders, especially during the early contact period. In Hawai'i, Marshall Sahlins asserts, “Sex was everything: rank, power, wealth, land, and the security of all these. Happy society, perhaps, that could make the pursuit of all the good things in life so enjoyable in itself” Caroline Ralston distinguishes between elite or “noble” Hawaiian women and their “ordinary” (or non-noble) counterparts, who “threw themselves into the embrace of foreign sailors in what was an enactment of their established cultural practices and beliefs.’ This all may be so. Yet behind these cultural explanations was the young women’s expectation of social advancement: increased mana (or spiritual power) taken from a stranger, performing one’s duty under the watchful eyes of village elders, and increasingly, an “avenue to foreign goods” in exchange for sexual favors." The incentive of trade goods was crucial and women found they could demand them. Cook’s sailors desperately yanked long nails from the ships’ deck to compensate their sexual partners. Decades later, midshipman William Reynolds was “delighted” by three of the “prettiest damsels I could Select,’ and, he added with a wink: “My trinkets went.”....

• P 50-51: Sex & coercion [focus on Tahiti] "Long nails, hooks, trinkets, and coins—a sexual marketplace developed in many places in the island Pacific. But what began with proffered gratuities during the early contact period became an open and structured system of forced prostitution in later years, Even at the outset a level of coercion was unmistakable, while short of coercion it was quite likely that sexual partners were unable to communicate about proper conduct, purpose, or the material terms of the exchange.” Recall the scene described by Bougainville: the La Boudeuse and Etoile were surrounded by Tahitian dugout canoes “filled with women. ... Most of these nymphs were naked, since the men and old women who accompanied them had taken off the nymphs’ robes.” The young women and girls, physically undressed by their elders, appear mute in these highly charged proceedings. “The [village] men,’ Bougainville continues, “urged us to choose a woman and to follow her to land, and their unequivocal gestures made it plain how we were to treat her.”* Bougainville’s lurid description elides the actual terms and level of consent characterized in these intimate encounters. Other observers and participants were far clearer about the power dynamics at work and the level of sexual violence. George Reinhold Forster, the naturalist on Cook’s second voyage, recorded how Maori men “sell the favours of their females to those of our ship’s company, who were irresistibly attracted by their charms; and often were these victims of brutality dragged by the fathers into the dark recesses of the ship, and there left to the beastly appetite of their paramours.”” In Polynesia, the expanding market exchange of sex for trade goods brought death and declining health to countless native women and men. "

• p 53: Science is not clear if Syphilis was transmitted or not "Scientific and historical debates continue over the origins and diffusion of Treponematosis, especially venereal syphilis. For over five centuries the issue has boiled down to whether or not New World populations syphilized the Old World: given the catastrophic disease load carried from Europe to the Americas, did Native Americans send back on Columbus's ships at least one microbial disease capable of spreading like wildfire across Europe in the decades after 1493? Venereal syphilis, furthermore, was not just any disease, but instead one that came with the cultural baggage of sexual depravity, filth, and possibly savage origins. Research increasingly casts doubt on an exclusively New World origin for venereal syphilis..."

• P 55: tells crew in FIRST stop in hawaii "no sex" due to STDs
• p 56: observews that Hawaiinshav STDs before ship even anchors (in Maui, diff island)

• p 56 syphilis "Rather than describing the customary greetings or the eagerly anticipated trade, Cook instead immediately verified that venereal disease had spread throughout the islands during his nine-month absence. This was a moment of great remorse for Cook (“the evil I meant to prevent,’ he wrote “had already got amongst them”) and also of tremendous awareness of his historic role. The crew had unleashed a dreaded disease upon an unexposed people and Cook knew the consequences would be devastating.”"

• p 57 STDs in HI: blame "Some Hawaiians blamed their ancestors’ social and sexual mores, especially as Christianity spread among the population during the 1820s and 1830s. The writer David Malo (1793-1853), in a rare indigenous testimony on depopulation from the 1830s, argued that women became the conduits through which disease entered the islands after “the arrival of Capt. Cook” and “reduced [the Kingdom] to a skeleton.” According to Malo,"

• Another syphilis hilus source: The Myth of Syphilis: The Natural History of Treponematosis in North America. Gainesville: University Press
  • online at https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780813027944

• p 82-83: hostage taking ransom by cook "Captain James Cook's three Pacific voyages included countless variations on hostage-taking: he held islanders in lieu of pilfered equipment, he took hostages to force the return of runaway sailors, and he detained villagers for the purpose of intelligence gathering or purely as a preemptive measure against suspected hostilities. These and other motives encouraged Cook to seize natives, beginning with his first visit to Tahiti in 1769. But Cook hardly invented the practice of Europeans taking captives in the Pacific...... Between Cabrillo’s and Cook’s time, captivities repeatedly took place during Pacific voyages.” Cook, however, wrote the most widely circulated accounts of encounters with Pacific peoples, and subsequent voyagers employed his journals as veritable travel guides for exploration and interaction. They could hardly help but follow his example, including his taking of captives: "

• p 83-84: list of hostages ransoms by COok, partial:
  • May2, 1769: Tahitian nobles Purea and Tutaha held hostage for return of two deserting sailors; it “struck general Terror through the island & the Prisoners (‘tho very well Treated) was inconsoleable”; Surgeon William Monkhouse and a corporal detained by villagers in respon
  • First contact with Maori in Turanganui (Poverty Bay): three boys forcibly taken from their canoes and held overnight on the Endeavour.
  • At Ra‘iatea (Society Islands), September 1773: Ta and lesser chief held hostage in lieu of stolen items.
  • Matavai Bay, May 1774: John Marra (a gunner’s mate) confined in irons for two weeks on charges of desertion.
  • Huahine, May 1774: two chiefs held hostage in exchange for two sailors detained on shore.
  • Tonga, May 1777: village chief confined for theft of iron bolt, ransomed for one large hog.
  • Tonga, May 1777: Chief Tapa's son placed in irons for theft of Discovery's two cats.
  • Days later: two Tongans detained for theft; chief flogged to deter future thefts.
  • Tonga, June 1777: chiefs Paulaho and Finau held hostage on Resolution for return of two stolen turkey cocks.
  • Mo’orea, October 1777: Tahitian man placed in irons to force return of missing goats.
  • Ra‘iatea, November 1777: at least three sailors desert from ships: John Harrison given twenty-four lashes for desertion; chief Orio and pregnant daughter Poetua taken hostage, leading village women to “how ” from shore and cut their bodies with sharks’ teeth.
  • Kealakekua Bay, Hawai‘i, February 11, 1779: Cook attempts to take chief Kalani‘opu‘u hostage for return of Discovery's cutter. Cook killed on the beach during this action.

• p 84: hostage /ransom (commenting on list above) "These instances represent only a sample of the hostage situations during Cook's three Pacific voyages. As such, they show how Cook primarily took hostages as a form of leverage or retribution: he wanted the return of stolen items or deserters, or in the case of the three Maori boys pulled from their canoes, he likely desired information on the new surroundings. Maintaining “advantage” over the natives was pivotal in every situation. As Lieutenant James King noted in his journal just prior to his captain’s death, Cook “expressd his sorrow” when “the Indians would at last oblige him to use force,” but “they must not... imagine they have gaind an advantage over us."

• p 84: Cooks crew taking resources & items without permission stealing: " For example, the strangers wanted material things belonging to Te Taniwha’s community: oysters, fish, roots and grasses, rocks, wood, and drinking water. Cook’s people usually took these items without asking. Other times they did ask the natives to supply them with necessities, especially in the case of information about their surroundings."

• p 85: hostage /ransome: Legacy of cook: other voyagers did it also later "Cook's use of hostages generally led to the desired results—the return of stolen items, runaways, or detained sailors. But the significance of this practice lies in the way Cook influenced subsequent explorers and captain-traders alike. George Vancouver and Nathaniel Portlock, both of whom sailed on Cook's final voyage when so much hostage activity occurred, followed his example when leading their own expeditions in subsequent years. Alejandro Malaspina, Jean-Francois de Galaup de La Pérouse, Vasily Golovnin, and Charles Wilkes (each of whom commanded the premier Spanish, French, Russian, and American voyages, respectively) admired Cook as a navigator and enlightened individual, consumed his voyage accounts, and to varying degrees utilized his methods for gaining “advantage” over indigenous populations. The point here is not merely about heroworship and Cook's considerable impact on later voyagers. It is also about the legacy of Cook's journals and the way his successors from different nations mined those writings for ways to act when communication with natives broke down."

• pp 198-199 footnote: On the three main theories for the origins of syphilis and doubt about the Columbian theory, see Powell and Cook, Myth of Syphilis, 31-39; C. Meyer et al., “Syphilis 2001: A Palaeopathological Reappraisal,” HOMO 53 (2002); 41-42; and Brenda J. Baker and George J. Armelagos, “The Origin and Antiquity of Syphilis,’ Current Anthropology 29 (December 1988): 703-720. For an assessment of the “Unitarian theory” and how nonvenereal yaws could have transformed to venereal syphilis, see S. J. Watts, Epidemics and History: Disease, Power, and Imperialism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), 126-127. According to one recent study, a fourth “alternative theory” holds that syphilis may have originated in tropical Africa and was carried back to Africa by European traders. See Frank B. Livingstone, “On the Origins of Syphilis: An Alternative Approach,” Current Anthropology 32 (December 1991): 587-590.

STDs, includin gMyth that Cook introduced STDS to Hawaii

• Sources for myth that Cook deliberate introduced STDs into Hawaii: The passages I was thinking of were in Salmond (2003) [2004 in my Penguin edition] p 428. Also see p. 382 on Cook's alleged affair with a Hawaiian princess. On rereading it, I see that Salmond is saying that this tradition was started by American missionaries hostile to Cook and the British. These missionaries accused Cook of blasphemy (holding himself out as a god), fornication (sleeping with Hawaiians) and deliberately spreading VD. These views were then taken up by Hawaiian historians and woven into oral traditions. Salmond, Williams (pp. 142-148) and Thomas are good on how Hawaiian views of Cook changed under the influence of missionaries and later developments. The issues raised might be too complex for this article but there might be a case for a section on Cook Historiography.

• New text:

a) Many European explorers, including members of Cook’s crews, carried communicable diseases such as syphilis, gonorrhea, tuberculosis, dysentery, malaria dysentery, smallpox, influenza, and hepatitis. These diseases caused a significant decline in population in some local populations, who often had no natural resistance. These diseases were transmitted by Cook's crew to indigenous peoples in Tahitia, Hawaii, British Columbia, and New Zealand. In Hawaii, Cook’s crews were the Europeans that first introduced these infections to the local population.

b) Cook took measures to mitigate the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) among indigenous populations, including issuing orders that prohibited women from boarding his ships and instructing his crew to refrain from sexual relations with Indigenous women. In Hawaii, he specifically ordered that "no woman was to board either of the ships" and that any crew member known to have an STD was strictly forbidden from engaging in sexual activity, stating these directives were intended "to prevent as much as possible the communicating [of] this fatal disease to a set of innocent people." Despite these efforts, Cook’s orders were frequently disregarded by members of his crew. Based on the journals of Cook and his crew, Cook never engaged in sexual relations with indigenous women during any of his voyages.

• Origin reuqiest from AA editor: "We mention the STD issue in a footnote but it might need expansion and promotion to the main body of the article. According to Williams and Thomas the STD issue is a controversial one in Hawaii where apparently the legend is that Cooke deliberately spread it. So if we want to discuss it, it can go in the Controversies section or the Legacy section under a Health subsection
• None of these soruces discuss the myth held by native Hawaiians that the introcussion oif STDs was deliberate or intentional; rather it was reckless & negligent, perhaps aviodable.
  • POsted note in Talk page asking AA for a source

• THomas STD cites
  • xxiv - xxv - Maori men forced some M women into prostitution
  • xxiv - Cook did not partake
  • P 185 (voyg 1)
  • P 203, 237, (voyg 2)
  • p 331 (syph)

1. Anne Salmond – The Trial of the Cannibal Dog: The Remarkable Story of Captain Cook's Encounters in the South Seas (2003) "Cook’s voyages contributed to the spread of diseases, including venereal disease, but there is no credible evidence to suggest this was deliberate."
   • Has NO discussion of myth in HI that cook deliberately introduced STDs
   • p 452 footnote: . See Smith’s discussion of eighteenth-century medical knowledge of venereal diseases, the confusion between yaws and syphilis, and the failure to realise that syphilis could remain infectious for years after all visible symptoms had vanished (Smith, Howard, 1975, ‘The Introduction of Venereal Disease into Tahiti: A Reexamination’, Journal of Pacific History 10:38—47). In any case, it seems that some of the Dolphin’s men were still visibly infectious, and that the surgeon must have known this. According to George Robertson, the ship’s master, ‘We carried Ten Men ashoar [at Tahiti] to the Sick Tent, three of them Very Bad, and has Been so Ever since we Left England, with Damn’d veterate Poxes and Claps.’ (Robertson quoted in Smith, 1975, 41.) In blaming the British, the Tahitians thought that these diseases ‘originated in the displeasure.of some offended deity or were inflicted in answer to the prayers of some malignant enemy’ (Ellis, 1859, II:66).
   • p 452 footnote: . Watt, Sir James, ‘Medical Aspects and Consequences of Cook’s Voyages’ in Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston, eds., 1979, Captain James Cook and His Times (Canberra,
   • p 428 This awestruck treatment of Cook’s remains eventually provoked a sharp reaction, however. As Hawai‘i gradually came under the sway of the United States, not Britain, Cook’s reputation was attacked, especially by the Calvinist missionaries. He was accused of the sin of hubris, and blamed for introducing venereal diseases and other evils to Hawai‘i. This view was influential among young Hawai‘ians in particular, and by 1838 the Moolelo Hawaii, a compilation of Hawai‘ian traditions published by the Lahainaluna Seminary, declared:

1. Gananath Obeyesekere – The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific (1992)
   • No discussion at all of STDs
2. Robert J. Hommon – The Ancient Hawaiian State: Origins of a Political Society (2013)
3. Marshall Sahlins – Islands of History (1985)
4. Stannard

title={Before the Horror: The Population of Hawai'i on the Eve of Western Contact},
 author={Stannard, D.E.},
 isbn={9780824812324},
 lccn={lc88032127},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=A9uAAAAAMAAJ},
 year={1989},
 publisher={Social Science Research Institute, University of Hawaii}

New sources?

• Double check to see if any additinal works by Thomas or Salmond could be useful.

• A. Salmond Two Worlds: First Meetings Between Maori and Europeans, 16421772

DONE new source for Navigation skills

• Kinda old, but the journal is rock solid, so a good source for the Navigatio nsection.

• ONLIEN at https://www-jstor-org.wikipedialibrary.idm.oclc.org/stable/530739

Deacon, G. E. R.; Deacon, Margaret (1969). "Captain Cook as a Navigator". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 24 (1): 33–42. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1969.0005. ISSN 0035-9149. JSTOR 530739. S2CID 145011452.

De-emphasize older sources for nuanced material

The older sources like BeagleHole and Hough are not ideal for material on controversial or nuanced issues, for those should use Anne Salmond or Nicholas Thomas or G Williams. See peer review by Kusma. Examples:

• Thomas: 2003 Cook : the extraordinary voyages
  • Voyage 1: pp 37-162
  • Voyage 2: pp 163-284
  • Voyage 3: pp 285-406
• G. Williams 2008 . The Death of Captain Cook: A Hero Made and Unmade - Re death
• A. Salmond: 2003 The Trial of the Cannibal Dog:- intercultural, various

Image conflicts near PErsonalLife/ Navigation/ Science sectiosn

• tbd

Hygiene of crew

• per Talk page suggestion: Talk:James_Cook#Cook's_concern_for_cleanliness_&_hygiene_of_crew}
• Already have in Science section: "In addition to diet, Cook also promoted general hygiene by having the crew wash themselves frequently and air-out their bedding, clothes, and quarters."
• But should update with post-2000 source, if available

STDs

• Add new material about Hawaii legend about COok deliberately introducing STDs, etc
  • maybe new Health section within Legacy? Cover scurvy, STDs, "airing out" etc?
• see Talk:James_Cook#Cook's_concern_for_cleanliness_&_hygiene_of_crew}
• Already have a footnote "To protect the Hawaiian women from sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), Cook issued orders to his crew.." but should move it up to body text
• Find post-2000 source, if availalble

3rd voyage Cook's own health

• see Talk:James_Cook#Cook's_concern_for_cleanliness_&_hygiene_of_crew}
• 2024 book by a journalist: The Wide Wide Sea .. not RS
• ??? need a more recent source: Salmond? Thomas? Williams?

Anthropology / ethn observatiosn of Cook

• Tatooing: 68, 76, 78-80, 101, 116, 192, 238, 253, 269, 317
• Tapu (taboo) 69,98,173, 194-5, 226, 321, 326

Thomas 2003

• X = done; O = reviewed & Not done; NA = not useful; TR=trivial; else: pending
• Following page #s are Thomas 2003

• • COoks efforts to provide livestock (goats, pigs, cattle, sheep, horses, turkeys) to islands acros pasific p 347,
    • X p 275 (cattle & sheep for vyage 3)
    • X p 287 horses, rabbits, sheep, poultry, goats
      • X Also Collingrdge p 372

• Misc (replace Hough/Beaglehole ?)
  • X "greatest exploreer of all time" p xx
  • O Cooks discipine philosophy: 37, 42-44, 66, 71, 183
  • X ice formation 250
  • X imperialism 21, 128
  • Sovereignity ?? 23-24; 262
  • Cannibalism 99, 104-8;116, 209-214, 253-4, 255, 263, 308-9, 332-3
  • X Scurvy: 26-27, 98, 158, 165, 169, 186, 225, 252, 286 [no "fresh foods" ]
  • X SOuth Sand Islands 249, 289 [does NOT include discovery or naming]
  • X Terra Austr: 1st Voy. order: 17,18; Cook concludes Southern continent DOES exist but near the polar regions only: 250
  • X Stingray Bay 114
  • NA Prostitutioh in Tahiti: 157
  • X Human sacrifice on Tahiti: 338-41
  • Tupaia (xlater/preist) 63, 80-81, 101, 110, 116, 140, 144, 269, 275, 310,
  • X Tupaia's paintings 75-77
  • NA Walrus ?? meat incident?? 373
  • X IRratioanl behaivor of Cook? 332, 376-377
  • X WHitby colliers: 12, 19, 144, 149-150, 265, 334
  • Austr Aborig: 111, 114, 121, 129
    • Abor indiffrent to Cook: 111, 112, 129
    • X Abor: cannnot communicate, even with Tupaia 120
    • X Abor are humans, like Europeans (not another species): 114,121-122
      • X Refuting late 18th c apologists for slavery that claimed that black Africans were of a different species that Europeans.
    • X Turtle episode: 120-122
  • TR Places on E coast Austr that cook named: 115
  • NA Bicentnial celebr in Australi: xxxi
  • X Austronesian langauge family: 137
  • X Surfing (observ by Banks) 70
  • William Bligh: 268, 275, 370, 403, 411
  • X Bustard Bay 115
  • Hawaiian gods: 381-3
  • X Hawkesworth book: 152-157, 256, 265, 267

• Early life & Canada & between voyages
  • TR Wife Elixabht 6, 141, 144, 404 Marriage: 6
  • TR Appearance of Cook: 3, 60
  • Birthplace: 60
  • Surveying & Newfoundland: 4-6, 23-25, 139, 142, 150
  • X Grenville almost lost: 4
  • X PRomostio to Post captain 263
  • X Greenwhich Hospital sinecure 263
  • X HIs book on 2nd voyage: 265-7
  • REplica of Resolution: xxxii

• v1
  • Discipline on ship: 39, 42, 66, 71
  • X Anthropolgoy, his first essY 51-53
  • Suicide Greenslade 62
  • X surfing in Tahitit p 70
  • X HOstage/ransom: 77
  • X First Maori killed in 1st encounter with cook: 86-87; 2nd death 88-90
  • X use of force: 92-93
  • X [not in book] mention "Poverty bay" is loc of first NZ landing
  • IIMpact on Maori culture: 100-101
  • X Maori Cannibalism: 104-108
  • Claim NZ for Brt 110, 128
  • X Sail up the east coast: 111, 114-115
  • X Botany bay: 112
  • X Stuck on reef: 115
  • X Kangrarro 122-124
  • X Claim for king: 127-8
  • Torres Strait: 127, 131
  • X Number of Maori killed Rangers from nine to thirteen page 100

• v1 - remaining
  • O War dance (haka): 88 (best) 211, 214, 308,  ??? hard to fit in
  • X page 128: envies aborig. cuz easy life, no worries, no stuff
  • X p 129: Non materialistic: indiffernetnto EUropeans stuff; did not want to trade
  • First impressiosn of Aboriginals 113-114; 120-121

• v2
  • X SHips crew 145-7
  • X Forster becomes shoip's naturalist 150
  • X Scurvy on the ships p 169 [1st voyage had no scurvy, but 2nd did]
  • Amicable with Maori 171-177
  • Prostitution w/ Maori: xxiv-xxvii; 184
  • STDs 185
  • X Scurvy: cook on Adventure dies of scurvy 186
  • X Show of agrression: 188
  • X Antarctic circle: 168
  • TRIV Hit Reef near Tahiti?? had to be pulled off 187-8; 196
  • Antarctic: 191, 202, 221, 288, 368
  • Character of Tahitian & Tonga women: 203-204; Tongan: 204-7
  • X Maori Cannibalism: 209-213
  • NG (does not mention 71 latitude) Fartheset south 216
  • Health (Of crew): 216, 220, 225 scurvy; sikly
  • X Cook himself had no sex w/ indigenous: 237 on Tonga island Nomuka
  • Tries to shoot Erramangan: 240, 243
  • View of Fuegians: 247-8 (also 48-9; 50-55; 60-61)
  • X Meets dutch ship (?? gets news of Furnueax? ) 251
  • NG: article \dos not mention St. Helena in v2 (only v1) Stop at St. Helana 256-7
  • NG Separatrion oif ships: 168, 208, 251, 291
  • NG Furneuax visits Tasmania in 1st separation: 291
  • X Furneau crew gets scurvy: his cook dies 186
  • NG Omai joins Furneaux: 199, 236

• v3
  • NG Ships company of DiscoverY & Resolution 267-9, 273
  • X Instructiosn to Cook 274-5
  • X Latin: 289-290
  • Tasmanian people: 292-7
  • Kahura: 300-306
  • TRIV Alcohol: 335 - Cut grog rations due to lenght of trip to NW passage
  • X Return Omai to Tahiti: 292, 297, 301-2, 309-317, 334-8, 341-8
  • X Human sacrifice: 338-341
  • X Goat episode: 344-7
  • TRIV Eclipse of sun: 354
  • X Hawaii visit #1: 355,361'
  • X Nootka SOund: 361-5
  • TRIV Ship leakss & repaired: 368, 370
  • X Anchorage Alasak p 370
  • X Arctic/Bering: 372-3
  • X p 372 Max north 77 - 33 (differs from 77-44 in article)

• • X Hawaii visit #2 378-390 etc
  • Cooks old hand injury: 391,401
  • X REturn to bay for repair: 389
  • X Cutter stolen: 391
  • X Ransom king: 391-397
  • X Death: 392-410
  • x Revenge killings: 400-401

• • X Crew finishes voyage: 401-404
  • COoks efforts to provide livestock (goats, pigs, cattle, sheep, horses, turkeys) to islands acros pasific p 347, etc

Cooks anthropology observations

• See Thomas 2003 list above for interactiosn not yet in book, e.g. Fuegians, or Tasmanians or Aborrginals; cannibalsms; Human sacrifice, etc

Commemoration section

• Condense ...From Kusma Peer Review
• Talk:James_Cook#Proposal_to_condense_Commemorations_section

Imperialism / colonization quote from Thomas 2003

• Page 20: [a report re Tahiti was altered by some unknown Brit to remove mention of violence and make it appear that Tahitian queen voluntarily ceded land to British Captain Wallace of the Dolphin] It is perhaps not surprising that the report was elaborated upon in this way. Those who look back from the early twenty-first century upon the whole history of global imperialism must have the sense that lands were routinely taken and people regularly subdued without compunction. The proponents of exploration in the late eighteenth century went, however, to considerable pains to define liberal commerce as something utterly different to the Iberian conquest of America — which they dismissed as a vicious looting operation. It was anticipated — in de Brosses’s theory of colonization, and the Admiralty instructions to Byron, Wallis, and Cook - that what were called ‘convenient situations’ might be purchased with the consent of a country’s inhabitants, which would provide bases for a mutually beneficial commerce. The potential of the model to produce a more humane colonization may be judged by de Brosses’s unfortunate choice of a south African illustration in support of his thesis. He believed that the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope had ‘never distressed’ the so-called Hottentots, and that the latter had in return made themselves useful to the settlers. Social conditions at the Cape were actually well known in Europe, and this port that demanded land and produce and yet was supposed to have left natives undisturbed was a fiction of wishful ignorance. Yet the rhetoric could not acknowledge the inevitable consequences of imperial expansion, and official directions included what amounted to ethical guidelines: invasive actions were implicitly prohibited, and all efforts had to be made to establish and sustain good relations with local inhabitants.

Random blog post with some interesting points

On February 14, 1779 Captain James Cook of the British Royal Navy was killed by natives in Kealakekua Bay, on the Big Island of Hawaii. Cook was a true savage, who sailed across the world bringing murder, rape, disease, and colonialism to native peoples all over the Pacific.

When he was killed, Cook was trying to kidnap the Hawaiian Aliʻi (tribal chief) Kalaniʻōpuʻu in response to an unknown person stealing a small boat. In the process, he had threatened to open fire on the islanders.

At this point, the Hawaiians decided they had enough of Cook’s bullshit, threatened with mass murder and the kidnapping of one of their tribal leaders, the Hawaiian islanders finally gave this piece of shit what he deserved: a beatdown on the beach, and a knife to the chest. This put an end to a lifetime of predatory behavior and conquest of lands in the service to the british empire."

From what I have read in Anne Salmond's 2003 book Trial of the Cannibal Dog: Captain Cook in the South Seas, he himself didn't murder many indigenous people. There were exactly three incidents where he himself shot people resulting in death - one in Turanganui-a-kiwa/Poverty Bay, New Zealand (1769), the second time in Ipipiri/Bay of Islands, New Zealand (1769) and the third time in Malekula, Vanuatu (1774). All of these three incidents involved him being directly physically attacked. He mentions in one of his journals "that he couldn't tolerated being knocked on the head", regarding the incident in Turanga. All other shootings of indigenous peoples (mostly occurring New Zealand) were from his crew members and unauthorized by him. Salmond argues in her book that there was a great deal of tension and conflict between him and his crew members regarding. When dealing with hostile natives, his procedure was to use smallshot on canoes, on people and only use musket ball as a last resort when danger imminent (has exemplified above). Does this necessarily make him a murderer despite the fact that none of the killings were sporadic rather than premeditated?

There was no mention of him threatening to open fire on the islanders when he attempted to take Kalaniopu'u hostage in 1779 in Salmond's book. He and some of his crew did open fire on islanders who rolled rocks down a bank towards their encampment. Whether this technically qualifies as a massacre and whether any of the Hawaiians were killed isn't implied in the book (from my recollection).

There are several examples of visits to places by Cook and crew that were completely devoid of violence against indigenous people: Rapanui (1774), Tahiti (1773, 74, 77), Huahine (1769), Ra'iatea (1769, 73, 74 and 77), New Caledonia (1774), Tamatea/Dusky Sound, New Zealand (1773), Tierra del Fuego (1769), Nootka Sound (1778), the Aleutian Islands (1778), Tahuata, Marquesas (1774), Tasmania (1777), Tolaga Bay, New Zealand (1769) and Mercury Bay, New Zealand (1769). The point I want to highlight here is that violence varied enormously throughout in the various places he visited and wasn't a 'modus operandi' in every place he visited.

In regards to disease, Salmond points out that he had a legitimate concern for indigenous people's health in the wake of his crew spreading VD. Attempts by him to prohibit sexual activity between him and his crew were however futile. There was one occasion where he flogged crew members for spreading VD in one location (probably Tahiti or Kauai. Whether Cook is directly responsible for introducing disease into Oceania is perhaps disputable.

From primary sources and secondary sources I have read so far, there isn't much evidence pointing to Cook being sexually active in Oceania with indigenous women. There were several occasions when he was offered women by island chiefs in Nomuka, Tahiti, Tonga, Kauai, Eua and the Marquesas, which he politely declined. He was in fact ridiculed by women in Tahuata and Tahiti for being 'old' and 'impotent' and was' verbally abused' in Nomuka for declining the sexual invitation of a high born women by her and her elderly attendants.

While it's undeniable that his voyages paved way for British colonialism and expansion within the Pacific, not all the places he visited eventually came under British rule (the Marquesas, Society Islands, Rapanui, Hawaiian archipelago, Tongan archipelago (which were never colonized by any European power). According to New Zealand author Michael Lee, the French were on equal parity with the British James Cook in the naturalistic study, hydrography, cartography in the Pacific, whose legacy has been overshadowed by the latter.. If this were to be the case, it may be cogent to argue that colonialism would of happened in the absence of Cook's voyages and legacy. It's rather difficult to see any direct, correlation between Cook's arrival and the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom in 1893, the Australian Frontier Wars of the 1790s-1920s or the New Zealand Wars of the 1860s without resorting to gross reductionist and oversimplified takes. His voyages were by and large, premised around botany, astronomy, hydrography and cartography and not necessarily around the direct establishment of British imperial enterprise into the Pacific per se, yet this was a longer term implication of Cook's voyages (as well as his French contemporaries/successors, i.e. La Perouse and D'Urville). According to an interview I heard on RNZ with the Australian author Peter Fitzsimons, "Cook was a tool of imperialism, not necessarily an imperialist himself."

While I am not going to deny that Cook did some 'brutal' things such as:

- flog islanders (as well as crew members) for stealing things from quadrants to cats from the Resolution and Discovery (on his 3rd voyage).

- burn houses and canoes on Mo'orea in retaliation for theft of a goat (it's worth noting islanders were enemies of his Tahitian friend, which might have been a motive).

- [non-violently] take hostages on Tahiti (1769), Lifuka (1777), Tongatapu (1777) Ra'iatea (1777) as a means of ransoming deserters and stolen items.

None of these things were done out of imperial or racial aggression towards islanders, given that: (a) he was more or less equal in his brutal treatment of his crew during the 3rd voyage, and

(b) such punishments of indigenous peoples were a result of personal theft, rather than disputes over sovereignty, territory and resources.

I think there is a lot of fine details and nuance that shouldn't be glossed over and deserve to be understood within the context of early interactions between indigenous Pacific Islanders and Europeans. Anne Salmond has done a good job of highlighting this complexities of this two-way exchange in her book Trial of the Cannibal Dog 2003, Aphrodite's Island (2010) and her essay Tute: the Impact of Polynesia on Cook (2002). However I am open to reading more takes from historians and anthropologists. Nicholas Thomas' books are next up on my reading list, as well as the Journals by the man himself.

Indigenous relatiosn CONCISE summary

Main article: James Cook and indigenous peoples

The Admiralty provided Cook with written orders which included directions for his interactions with indigenous peoples. The orders instructed Cook "to cultivate a friendship with the natives"; "[show] them every kind of civility and regard"; and "[if] you find any subjects of any European Prince or State upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them or give them any just cause of offence, but on the contrary to treat them with civility and friendship"

In addition to the official orders, Cook also received guidance from the Royal Society, which was co-sponsoring the voyage. This relatively enlightened guidance was prepared by the Society's President, the Earl of Morton, and it urged Cook to "exercise the utmost patience and forebearance with respect to the Natives ... and restrain the wanton use of Fire Arms ... every effort should be made to avoid violence... the Natives ... should be treated with distinguished humanity."

Relations

Expedition artist William Hodges painted the Resolution and Adventure in Tahiti, c. 1776.

Interactions with indigenous peoples required Cook to balance competing responsibilities. As a naval commander, he was expected to maintain discipline and authority; yet as a representative of the British Crown, he was required to be diplomatic and accommodating; in his role as an ostensible friend of indigenous leaders, he was expected to show generosity and patience; but as the head of an expedition operating thousands of miles from the nearest resupply points, he needed to safeguard his supplies.

According to the anthropologist Anne Salmond, Cook sometimes failed to grasp the nuances of the local culture, and these misunderstandings occasionally led to confusion and even violence. In Salmon's analysis, Cook's failure to fully understand the roles and expectations surrounding his interactions with indigenous people left him vulnerable to both humiliation and danger. When he chose leniency toward Indigenous communities in response to perceived infractions, he was often viewed as weak by both his crew and the local peoples – which sometimes led the indigenous leaders to become emboldened. Conversely, when Cook responded with excessive force, he risked fostering resentment among his men – at times bordering on mutiny – or provoking violent retaliation from indigenous leaders.

Upon initial contact with an indigenous people, Cook usually sought to establish amicable relations by engaging in local friendship rituals such as gift-giving, exchanging names, and rubbing noses (hongi). Despite efforts by Cook, the initial encounters did not always proceed as intended, often due to language barriers and vast cultural differences. A typical example was when he first made contact with the Māori in October 1769, he came ashore with the aim of establishing friendly relations. The Māori performed a haka and attempted to exchange weapons; Cook's crew misinterpreted the Māori's attempts to grab the crew's weapons, and a crewman shot and killed a Māori individual. In an attempt to mend relations, Cook captured three Māori and brought them board his ship, where he offered them gifts and food as a gesture of goodwill. Another type of cultural misunderstanding arose when Cook's crew gathered supplies or food without compensating the local indigenous peoples, or received gifts without appropriate reciprocation.

Conficts

In spite of Cook's intentions, violent encounters arose in several locations during his voyages. In some instances, violence originated when indigenous people took items from the crew or ships, which the crew invariably viewed as theft, but was perhaps was a more benign behavior that was misunderstood by the Europeans. vvWhen conflict was likely, Cook implemented measures to minimize harm, such as instructing his crew to load their firearms with small shot, which was generally non-lethal. When Cook was not present, his crew sometimes disobeyed his orders and changed their weapons to use more fatal musket balls.

Cook responded to acts of theft by Indigenous individuals through a range of punitive measures, including the seizure or destruction of canoes, kidnapping indigenous leaders to hold for ransom until some act was performed, shaving heads, cropping ears, burning homes, and flogging. Throughout the three voyages, violent encounters resulted numerous deaths: at least 45 indigenous individuals were killed by Cook's crew, including one killed by Cook. Sixteen of the crew were killed by indigenous people, including Cook himself.

Perceptions of Cook as a chief or diety

Throughout Polynesia, many chiefs greeted Cook and they engaged in ritual ceremonies of name-exchange and gift-giving. The ceremonies typically involved exchanging genealogies, names, and insignia (for example, a weapon) – these rituals also involved the exchange of mana and life force.

Cook was considered by some indigenous peoples to be a ariki (high chief), and by others to be an atua (a Polynesian god). His crew were sometimes considered to be "goblins". Cook's status as a ariki in much of Polynesia was partially due to the way he carried himself during the initial landfall: he was always the first to step ashore, and made gestures of friendship. In Hawaii, Cook's status as an akua (the Hawaiian version of atua) was associated with the time and manner of his arrival, particularly on his second visit in late 1778. Many Hawaiians thought Cook was the Polynesian god Lono.

Trading & commerce

Polynesian inerpreter Tupaia drew this illustration, of a Māori man and Joseph Banks trading a crayfish and cloth, during the first voyage, c. 1769.

Cook's orders instructed him to barter with indigenous peoples to replenish his ship's provisions. During the bartering, Cook primarily received food from the indigenous peoples, including fish, pigs, plantains, bananas, coconuts, and breadfruit. In return Cook a gave items such as iron nails, beads, copper, knives, and cloth. The crew also bartered individually with indigenous peoples, often to purchase "curiosities", hatchets, and other souvenirs, and also for sexual favors.

Cook carried a wide variety of livestock on his ships including pigs, goats, cattle, horses, rabbits, turkeys, and sheep. The ships also carried cats and dogs as pets. The livestock were used for a variety of purposes: primarily for consumption by the crew, but also to place onto lands they visit to establish breeding pairs, and sometimes given to indigenous individuals as gifts.

Cook also brought plants and seeds on his ships, and planted gardens on several islands. The plants included wheat, carrots, peas, mustard, cabbages, strawberry, parsley potatoes, oranges, lemons, pomelo, limes, watermelons, turnips, onions, beans, and parsnip. The crops were intended for the benefit of the indigenous peoples, and also to feed future European visitors. The crew also planted some plants that they obtained from the islands, such as pineapple and grapes (using cuttings taken from vines planted earlier by Spaniards).

Health and sexual relations

Many European explorers – including members of Cook's crews – carried communicable diseases such as syphilis, gonorrhea, tuberculosis, malaria, dysentery, smallpox, influenza, and hepatitis. These diseases caused a significant decline in some local populations, who often had no natural resistance. Cook's crews transmitted some of these diseases to indigenous peoples in Tahiti, Hawaii, British Columbia, and New Zealand. In Hawaii, Cook's crews were the first Europeans to introduce some diseases to the local population.

Sexual relations between European crews and indigenous persons was widespread in nearly every place visited. Sexual mores differed greatly between Europe and the places visited by Cook; of Hawaii, anthropologist Marshall Sahlins wrote "We can see why Hawaiians are so interested in sex. Sex was everything: rank, power, wealth, land, and the security of all these." Most sexual encounters were consensual, but they often involved payment in the form of trinkets, feathers, or iron nails. In Hawaii, some women believed that sex with white men would increase their mana (spiritual power). In some situations, particularly in New Zealand during the second voyage, Maori men forced women to have sex with the crewmen.

Cook took measures to mitigate the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including issuing orders that prohibited women from boarding his ships and instructing his crew to refrain from sexual relations with indigenous women. In Hawaii, he specifically ordered that "no woman was to board either of the ships" and that any crew member known to have an STD was strictly forbidden from engaging in sexual activity, stating these directives were intended "to prevent as much as possible the communicating [of] this fatal disease to a set of innocent people". Despite these efforts, Cook's orders were frequently disregarded by members of his crew.

Perception of Cook by indigenous peoples in the modern era

See also: Indigenous response to colonialism

The perception of Cook varies widely across the places he visited. The Māori of New Zealand generally consider Cook a hostile invader. Many Hawaiians condemn Cook's impact on their culture, and blame him for introducing STDs to their islands. Some Australian Aborigines view Cook negatively, viewing him as responsible for violence and subsequent colonization. Some Nuu-chah-nulth people in British Columbia view Cook as an invader who took provisions without compensating the local people. Cook Islands, which became an independent nation in 1965, considered changing the name of their country, but ultimately decided to retain its current name.

The period 2018 to 2021 marked the 250th anniversary of Cook's first voyage of exploration. Several countries, including Australia and New Zealand, arranged official events to commemorate the voyage, leading to widespread public debate about Cook's legacy and the violence associated with his contacts with indigenous peoples. In the lead-up to the commemorations, various memorials to Cook in Australia and New Zealand were vandalised, and there were public calls for their removal or modification due to their alleged promotion of colonialist narratives. Attacks on public monuments to Cook have occurred in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Hawaii.

Potential sources

• Kusma PR: ""Attacks on public monuments to Cook have continued in a number of countries.[253][285][286][287][288][289]" not a fan of news citations for individual incidents to support this."
• Talk:James_Cook#Consolidate_sentences_that_mention_removal/destruction_of_statues?
• Talk:James_Cook#Proposed_update_to_the_existing_"Controversy"_section
• Need to search for recent scholarly sources on Controversy/colonialism
• ?? When did controversy first arise? FRom who? where?

Maria nugent

Author who has written several articles about James Cook and his relation to indigenous.

A failure to say hello: how Captain Cook blundered his first impression with Indigenous people Published: April 28, 2020 4:33pm EDT

https://theconversation.com/a-failure-to-say-hello-how-captain-cook-blundered-his-first-impression-with-indigenous-people-126673

Anne Salmand - Afrodites Island book

Only about Tahiti.

Aphrodite’s Island: The European Discovery of Tahiti First American Edition. by Anne Salmond (Author) 3.9 3.9 out of 5 stars (11) 4.1 on Goodreads 48 ratings See all languages and editions Aphrodite's Island is a bold new account of the European discovery of Tahiti, the Pacific island of mythic status that has figured so powerfully in European imaginings about sexuality, the exotic, and the nobility or bestiality of “savages.” In this groundbreaking book, Anne Salmond takes readers to the center of the shared history to furnish rich insights into Tahitian perceptions of the visitors while illuminating the full extent of European fascination with Tahiti. As she discerns the impact and meaning of the European effect on the islands, she demonstrates how, during the early contact period, the mythologies of Europe and Tahiti intersected and became entwined. Drawing on Tahitian oral histories, European manuscripts and artworks, collections of Tahitian artifacts, and illustrated with contemporary sketches, paintings, and engravings from the voyages, Aphrodite's Island provides a vivid account of the Europeans' Tahitian adventures. At the same time, the book's compelling insights into Tahitian life significantly change the way we view the history of this small island during a period when it became a crossroads for Europe.

Ireland: Cooking the Books: Contested Colonial ...

• Reads more like an opinion piece than a scholarly article

• available in WP:TWL at https://www-degruyterbrill-com.wikipedialibrary.idm.oclc.org/document/doi/10.1515/iph-2018-0021/html

cite journal 
| title = Cooking the Books: Contested Colonial Commemorations in Australia
 | last=  Ireland
 | first = Tracy  
|  pages = 20180021
|  volume = 1
|  number = 2
|  journal = International Public History
|  doi = 10.1515/iph-2018-0021
|  year = 2018

Abstract: Controversy around the celebration of Captain Cook as a founding father of the Australian nation is not new, but dates back to the nineteenth century when his first statues were raised. The latest plans made by Australia’s government to celebrate the 250th anniversary of his so-called discovery of the continent has sparked renewed controversy which is linked to global debates about the contemporary value and meaning of civic statues to heroes associated with Indigenous dispossession, colonialism and slavery.

1 “A slap in the face for us blackfellas” In its 2018/19 budget the Australian Government committed to spending AU $48.7 million to celebrate the 250th anniversary of James Cook's voyage to the South Pacific in 1770 when he is credited with having “discovered” the continent of Australia. The budget package included support for a range of activities, such as “voyaging of the replica HMB Endeavour,” but what really struck a chord of controversy in the national community was the $25 million allocated to the redevelopment of the Kamay Botany Bay National Park, including a proposed new monument to Australia's so-called founding father. This was widely reported in the media as “$50 million for a new statue of Captain Cook” and while it wasn't quite that straightforward, it was clear that celebrating the 250th anniversary of Cook's landing at Botany Bay is a high priority for the Australian Federal Government and that the very idea of a new statue to Cook polarized public opinion.

I wrote about this issue in May of this year for The Conversation and the piece generated considerable reaction. I spoke to quite a few journalists and media outlets after it appeared and the piece was picked up, in particular, by Indigenous public radio. An impassioned Aboriginal radio announcer in Queensland asked me: “couldn't the government see that this proposal was a slap in the face for us blackfellas”? The figure of Captain Cook in some ways encapsulates the tumultuous changes in understandings of Australia's past –and what the past means for the contemporary nation – that have occurred since the 1970s. The notion that the continent was “terra nullius,” empty and available for colonial settlement, is deeply embedded in the very statement that it was “discovered” by Cook. National debates about this historical legacy are often polarized between positions that see the past as a source of pride in the establishment of a nation: or of shame, because of the violent dispossession of First Nations peoples.

2 A carefully chosen founding father The intriguing tale of just how Captain Cook was chosen as a founding father for Australia, and how he became such an important figure in contemporary social memory, has been studied in detail by historians, anthropologists, archaeologists and other cultural commentators. Although mentioned in histories and literature in the early and mid-nineteenth century, the Cook myth experienced an upsurge in popularity in the historical imagination of colonial patriots in the late nineteenth century. There were other European contenders for the title of “discoverer of the Australian continent”: Dirk Hartog in 1616, Abel Tasman in 1642 and William Dampier in 1699, for example. But even though the Englishman Dampier wrote a book about his adventures, these voyagers were associated with remote Tasmania and the west coast, and perhaps not linked closely enough with the origin story of the First Fleet, which had followed Cook to the place he named Botany Bay.

Eminent Australian art historian Bernard Smith showed that Cook possessed all the qualities for the perfect Enlightenment hero: he rose from humble origins; his writings were masterpieces of rational, empirical matter-of-factness; he was not an aristocrat but a man of science motivated by the quest for knowledge.[1] Chris Healy's important study of the social memory of Cook argued that nineteenth and twentieth century renderings of Cook poetically constructed him as a visionary and “imagineer” of a future Australia. Healy also suggested that Cook “worked” in the role of national founder because his journey along the entire east coast made him acceptable to all the eastern states, and most critically perhaps, unlike that other great contender for founding father, the first colonial Governor of New South Wales Arthur Phillip, he was not associated with the transportation of convicts. Convictism was not celebrated as part of the national origin story in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries but was seen as a stain on the national character.[2] Today, however, attitudes have changed radically and convict ancestors are eagerly sought by amateur genealogists and family historians. But this fact does not seem to have impacted upon the continuing resonance of the Cook legend. For example in 2003 an official, government-endorsed review of the recently opened National Museum of Australia in Canberra complained that Cook was not featured prominently enough in its inaugural exhibitions: “If modern Australia has a foundation myth, it surely involves somewhere at its heart the figure of Captain James Cook.”[3]

Monuments to Cook began to be erected in Australia from the 1860s, with the famous example in Sydney's Hyde Park, shown in Figure 1, dedicated in 1879. “Captain Cook's Landing Site” at Kurnell, the site where the controversial new monument is now proposed, was declared a public reserve by 1899.[4] Also around this time the Australian Museum and the Mitchell Library in Sydney expanded their collections of Cook memorabilia, including a tiny coffin containing a lock of his hair (Figure 2). In perhaps the most extreme example of Cook-mania, in 1933 Russell Grimwade purchased a Yorkshire cottage associated with Cook's family and transported it, stone by stone, for re-erection in Melbourne, Victoria.[5]

3 Digging cook

By the time of the Bicentenary of Cook's landing in 1970, post-war cultural changes had transformed understandings of the importance of the colonial past and of the cultural values attributed to its material remains.[6] One result of these changes was the rise of “historical archaeology” which focused on the colonial period: prior to this time archaeologists in Australia had looked solely at the deep Aboriginal past. This period also saw the rise of Aboriginal land rights movements and archaeology became deeply imbricated in providing evidence for both the antiquity and ubiquity of Indigenous occupation of the continent, as well as providing material relics for problematic colonial narratives. I have been particularly interested in how, from the late 1960s, archaeologists have been caught up in a grail-like quest for relics of Cook.[7] In 1969 marine scientists diving on Endeavour Reef in Queensland found six cannons, jettisoned from the Endeavour when it was damaged on the reef, which were eventually accessioned by the National Maritime Museum in Sydney and the National Museum of Australia in Canberra. From 1967–1971 archaeologist Vincent Megaw excavated at Cook's Landing Place seeking evidence of Cook's first contact with Aboriginal people. Deep in a “well stratified midden deposit,” he found a square shafted nail, a bone button and fragments of bottle glass which are now in the collection of the Australian Museum in Sydney. Megaw cautiously suggested these items may have been part of the gifts given by Cook to the Aboriginal people he met during that fateful encounter. In 1999 the reported discovery of Cook's ship Endeavour off Newport, Rhode Island, in the USA, saw the Australian parliament claim “that if it is indeed the Endeavour, this wreck is the most important single artefact in Australia's history.”[8] Thus began a still ongoing search for the remains of Cook's ship where it was believed to have been scuttled by the British during the American Revolutionary War.[9]

4 Too pale, stale, and male? Controversy around the celebration of Cook as founding father is therefore not new but dates back to the nineteenth century when his first statues were raised. The latest Captain Cook fanfare around the 250th anniversary has also linked to global debates about the contemporary value and meaning of civic statues of heroes associated with colonialism and slavery. Historian Maria Nugent has examined Aboriginal accounts of Cook's role in dispossession, particularly the distinctive narratives recounted by Percy Mumbulla and Hobbles Danaiyarri in the 1970s and 1980s.[10] Nugent argues that during that era of Cook re-enactments and Bicentennial celebrations it was widely accepted in Australia that Cook was single-handedly responsible for British possession, despite thirty years of historical scholarship that had tried to debunk this myth. This perhaps partly explains why Cook's name featured so prominently – and symbolically – in Aboriginal narratives of dispossession and why Cook celebrations in 1970 and 1988 became a focus for protests about Aboriginal land rights.

The funding cycle for Australia's cultural institutions has been closely linked to colonial anniversaries since at least the 1970 Bicentenary of Cook's voyage. The latest budget cites its support for the development of digital heritage resources and exhibitions at the National Maritime Museum, National Library, Australian Institute for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies and the National Museum of Australia, as well as for training “Indigenous cultural heritage professionals in regional areas.” So what does it mean for the Australian government to continue supporting a tenuous origin myth with genres of commemoration, such as statues of white men, that are saturated in their own controversial colonial tropes? Certainly, these kinds of anniversaries can focus government funds into cultural activities that produce exciting and unexpected outcomes, allowing communities, researchers and artists to critically reflect on these complex colonial legacies. The deeply layered meanings of the Captain Cook myth are a fascinating case study for public history and social memory, but inevitably, I suggest, a hollow symbol to find at the heart of Australia's official national culture. Published Online: 2018-12-22

NG Heathcote - The Compassion of Captain Cook

• Not a widely read book: zero reviews on Amazon

• Author is a art historian, not a historian

• Appears to be coming from an conservative point-of-view

• REview at https://www.captaincooksociety.com/remembering-cook/books/book-reviews/the-compassion-of-captain-cook-christopher-heathcote-2023

 title={The Compassion of Captain Cook},
 author={Heathcote, C.},
 isbn={9781922815309},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=AIeizwEACAAJ},
 year={2023},
 publisher={Connor Court Publishing Pty Limited}

Anne Salmond's 2003 book Trial of the Cannibal Dog: Captain Cook in the South Seas

• author is Anne Salmond anthropologist

 title={The Trial of the Cannibal Dog: The Remarkable Story of Captain Cook's Encounters in the South Seas},
 author={Salmond, A.},
 isbn={9780300100921},
 lccn={2003104071},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=j62v1iyuKqIC},
 year={2003},
 publisher={Yale University Press}

• Online in Internet ARchive at https://archive.org/details/trialofcannibald0000salm

• JC article already has a 1971 book by her:

Salmond, Anne (1991). Two worlds: First Meetings Between Māori and Europeans, 1642–1772. Viking. ISBN 0-670-83298-7. OCLC 26545658. Retrieved 29 May 2025.</ref>

• pp 400-416 is a decent account of COoks death,

• Final chapter pp 417 - 432 has a summary of cross-cultural influences

• Marketing blurb: This vivid book retells the story of Captain Cook’s great voyages in the South Seas, focusing on the encounters between the explorers and the island peoples they “discovered.” While Cook and his men were initially confounded by the Polynesians, they were also curious. Cook and his crew soon formed friendships—and often more intimate relationships—with the islanders. The islanders, who initially were not certain if the Englishmen were even human, came to experiment with Western customs and in some cases joined the voyagers on their expeditions. But familiarity quickly bred contempt. Shipboard discipline was threatened by these new relationships, and the culture of the islands was also changed forever. Captain Cook, initially determined to act as an enlightened leader, saw his resolve falter during the third voyage. Amicable relations turned hostile, culminating in Cook’s violent death on the shores of Hawaii. In this masterful account of Cook’s voyages, Anne Salmond—a preeminent authority on the history of the south seas—reimagines two worlds that collided in the eighteenth century, and the enduring impact of that collision.

• P 429 On the island of Tahiti, where Cook had forged a ritual friendship with the paramount chief Tu, he was also venerated at first. For many years, successive British ships were greeted with joy, and the people asked eagerly when ‘Tute’ would be returning. Their captains were introduced to Cook’s portrait, painted by Webber and presented to his ritual friend Tu, the paramount chief of the island. It was held by the chief of Matavai Bay, who acted as its guardian and brought it out on ritual occasions. Chants were performed and offerings presented to Cook’s image. English captains were asked to sign the back of the portrait with their own names, the names of their ships and the dates of their visits. According to James Morrison, one of the Bounty mutineers who spent some time in Tahiti, the rituals included arioi performances .... As in Hawai‘i, Cook had become an atua in a Polynesian pantheon, greeted with incantations and offerings. Eventually, however, his portrait was lost, and the rituals ceased. Again, his posthumous reputation shifted with the vagaries of imperial history. When Tahiti became a colony of France, much of its British history was forgotten. Like ancestors throughout the Polynesian...

• p 430 During his first two voyages, Captain Cook had tried to act as an exemplar of enlightened reason. These were scientific expeditions, equipped for systematic observation and enquiry. During the Enlightenment, science was understood as ‘enlarging of the bounds of Human Empire’, based on a power relation (between mind and matter, reason and nature) that put reason in charge of reality, and made this rule seem natural and right. The man of reason was ‘objective’, detached and dispassionate, free from emotion and weakness. And the epitome of such men was the great discoverer — ‘I whose ambition leads me ... farther than any man has been before me’, bringing the edges of the unknown into the light of rational understanding.

• p 430: For the last decade of his life, though, James Cook had spent much of his time in Polynesia, where the cosmos and the self were understood quite differently. Mind and heart were not split, nor mind and matter — they had a generative relation. And from them came the World of Darkness or Po © and then the wind of life, generating forms of the phenomenal world — the World of Light — through aeons of genealogical exchanges. From earth and sky the gods were born, and fromthe gods came people. The world was patterned by spiralling lines of relationship, named in a genealogical language. In the case of the chiefs, the life-force of the ancestor gods was the source of their power. dt could be transferred by descent,.the pressing of noses, or the gift of personal possessions. This life-force went with their . things — their cloaks, chiefly ornaments and insignia; and with their names, so that to name something was also to claim it. With this went tapu or kapu, the presence of their ancestor gods, and mana, ancestral efficacy. The exemplary Polynesian leader was the man of mana, who mastered the art of successful exchange in the relational networks.

• p 430 - 431: Success in exchange meant revenge for insults, however, as well as generous gifting. As Cook said of Totara-nui Maori in 1775: ‘I have allways found them of a Brave, Noble, Open and benevolent disposition, but they are a people that will never put up with an insult if they have an oppertunity to resent it.’ During his first two voyages to the Pacific, Cook had often spoken of Tahitians or Maori as his ‘friends’, and advocated ‘Strict honisty .... and gentle treatment’. After his experiences at Totara-nui, however, he began to lose his faith in the power of reason. Maori had killed and eaten his men, and then deceived him about what had happened. Cook became increasingly cynical, and prone to violent outbursts of anger. He was now known as “Toote’ on board his ships, a passionate, unpredictable character.

• p 431 Mana and honour, revenge and utu, tapu and the sacred all had points of coincidence, out of which working relationships between Europeans and Polynesians could be constructed. By such rough understandings, cultural edges were sometimes bridged, and people found common ground to stand on. The philosophies were not the same, however, and that was a source of confusion. It was often difficult to know how to act. The rules were no longer certain. When Cook became ‘Tute’ in Tahiti, and ‘Kuki’, ‘Kalani‘opu‘w’ and ‘Lono’ in Hawai‘i, he became enmeshed in contradictions. As a Polynesian high chief he was descended from the gods; as a Briton, he was the son of a lowly farm labourer. As a naval commander Cook was expected to stay aloof and restrained, asserting his superiority over the ‘natives’; as a high chief, he was expected to be loyal to his friends, showering them with gifts and respecting their customs. When Cook forged close associations with a number of island leaders, his relationships with his own men came under pressure, putting shipboard discipline at risk and undermining his authority. After his death, these contradictions continued. At first, he was honoured as both European hero and Polynesian ancestor; later, he was reviled as an imperial villain.

• p 431: In order to understand these complex, equivocal zones of action, a twosided historical ethnography is needed. The dynamics on board his ships led to Cook’s death, as much as the situation in Hawai‘1. It was a tragic event of epic proportions, and a purely local explanation will not serve, for all that it might seem pretty. By the time of the crisis in Kealakekua Bay, Cook had quarrelled with his men, Clerke was seriously ill, and shipboard discipline had been weakened. When Cook was attacked, the marines panicked and ran, and Lieutenant Williamson held back the boats rather than trying to save his commander. In many ways it was a classic case of the ‘collapse of command’, when a leader’s authority is undermined over time by severe stress and undue familiarity. At the same time, Hawai‘ian beliefs about Lono, the Makahiki, the quarrels between the priests and the. chiefs in the bay, and Cook’s friendship with Kalani‘opu‘u were crucial to what happened. Polynesian as well as European thinking - the World of Light as well as the Enlightenment — played their part in James Cook’s death, just as Kuki’s and Kalani‘opu‘u’s bones were mingled. Polynesian as well as European thinking - the World of Light as well as the Enlightenment — played their part in James Cook’s death, just as Kuki’s and Kalani‘opu‘u’s bones were mingled.

Anne Salmond: Tute: the Impact of Polynesia on Cook

• Tute The Impact of Polynesia on Captain Cook
• Available online at https://www.academia.edu/35955742/Tute_The_Impact_of_Polynesia_on_Captain_Cook#loswp-work-container
• Anne Salmond

• This is chapter 5 (pp 77-93) in book " Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments" ed by G. Williams

title={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
author={Williams, G.},
isbn={9781843831006},
lccn={ocm54989198},
series={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
url={https://books.google.com/books?id=VqDHGru-zcIC},
year={2004},
publisher={Boydell Press}

• CITE: 2004, Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments. Book Editor(s): Glyndwr Williams (Boydell & Brewer, Boydell Press)

https://doi.org/10.7722/J.CTT163TB8H.12

During this last voyage to the Pacific, Alexander Home was a master’s mate on board Cook’s consort ship, Discovery. In his old age there was a yarn he used to spin about an incident that happened while they were anchored at New Zealand in 1777, in Totaranui (Queen Charlotte’s Sound): When we were in New Zealand, Neddy Rhio, one of my messmates had got hold of a New Zealand dog, as savage a devil as the savages from whom he got it, and this same dog he intended to bring home to present to the Marchioness of Townsend, his patroness. But one day, when Neddy was on shore on duty, a court- martial was held on the dog, and it was agreed nem.con. that, as the dog was of cannibal origin, and was completely a cannibal itself, having bit every one of us, and shewn every inclination to eat us alive if he could, that he should be doomed to death, and eat in his turn, we being short of fresh provisions at the time. The sentence was immediately executed, the dog cooked, dressed, and eat, for we could have eat a horse behind the saddle, we were all so confoundedly hungry; but, considering that Neddy had a best right to a share, we put past his portion in a wooden bowl, and by way of having some sport, we cut a hole in the dog’s skin, and as Neddy came up the side, I popped his own dog’s skin over his head with the tail hanging down behind, and the paws before. He looked the grin horrid, told us we were all a set of d—d cannibals, as bad as the New Zealanders we were amongst, and dived down below quite in the sulks. 1 Cannibalism was a sore subject with Cook’s men during their visit to Totaranui in 1777. Just three years earlier, during Cook’s second Pacific voyage, local Maori had attacked a boat-load of the Adventure’s crew in the Sound, and killed them all. This had been the fifth visit by Cook’s ships, and during those visits there had been affrays with local people, including several shootings. Revenge, when it came, though, was shocking. A launch commanded by the ship’s second lieutenant, James Burney, sent out to search for the missing cutter, found rowlock ports and a shoe, and then human flesh bundled up in

• page 91-92: During his first two Pacific voyages, as Bernard Smith has noted, Cook had

tried to act as an exemplar of enlightened reason. These were scientific expe- ditions, equipped for systematic observation and enquiry. The man of reason was ‘objective’, ‘detached’ and ‘dispassionate’, free from emotion and weakness. And the epitome of such men was the great discoverer – ‘I whose ambition leads me . . . farther than any man has been before me’, bringing the edges of the unknown into the light of rational understanding. For the last decade of his life, though, James Cook, as a discoverer, had spent much of his time in Polynesia, where reality and the self were understood quite differently. Mind and heart were not split, nor mind and matter – they had a generative relation. The world was patterned by spiralling lines of relationship, named in a genealogical language. The exemplary Polynesian leader was the man of mana, who had mastered the art of successful exchange (or utu) in the relational networks. Successful exchange meant revenge for insults, however, as well as generous gifting. As Cook said of Totaranui Maori in 1775: ‘I have allways found them of a Brave, Noble, Open and benevolent disposition, but they are a people that will never put up with an insult if they have an oppertunity to resent it.’ 37 During his first two voyages to the Pacific, Cook had often spoken of Tahitians or Maori as his ‘friends’, and advocated ‘Strict honisty and gentle treatment’. After his experiences at Totaranui, however, he began to lose his faith in power of reason. Maori had killed and eaten his men, and then deceived him about what had happened. Cook became increasingly cynical, and prone to violent outbursts of anger. He was now also known as ‘Toote’ on board his ships, a passionate, unpredictable character. There is a story to be told about the killing of Cook – but not on this occasion. He died as he lived throughout his last voyage, caught in intractable contradictions. As the trial of the cannibal dog in Queen Charlotte’s Sound

Arama Rata - "Dismantling Cook’s Legacy: Science, Migration, and Colonialism in Aotearoa"

Rata, A. (2022) “Dismantling Cook’s legacy: Science, migration, and colonialism in Aotearoa”, New Zealand Science Review, 76(1-2), pp. 54–58. doi: 10.26686/nzsr.v76i1-2.7834.

This is a polemic presenting the New Zealand indigenous point of view, fairly forceful but well reasoned. Focuses on migration and borders

• CAUTION: New Zealand Science Review, is an online, non peer reviewed journal of NZ "independent" scientists/academics; see New Zealand Association of Scientists
• author: Arama Rata
• URL https://ojs.victoria.ac.nz/nzsr/article/view/7834

• Abstract: n Aotearoa, 2019 marked the 250th anniversary of the arrival of Captain James Cook, aboard the Endeavour, on its voyage of ‘scientific discovery’. To mark the occasion, central and local governments commited over $23 million to fund events including a flotilla that travelled to sites of significance around the country. While organisers intended to commemorate our ‘dual heritage’ and in particular the early ‘encounters’ of Mäori and European peoples (Ministry of Culture and Heritage 2018), the sight of a replica Endeavour on the horizon was not a cause for cele-bration for many Mäori communities. Strong objections to the commemorations were raised because of the imperial intentions and violent actions of Cook while here (which included abducting and murdering Mäori; see Ranford 2018). Cook’s presence in Aotearoa is an interesting case study of how science, migration, and colonialism have converged in this country. In this essay, I sketch a history of science and migration in Aotearoa (from the arrival of the ancestors of modern Mäori through to the advent of the European and beyond), and outline how migration policy and contemporary migration science weigh economic benefits against the presumed ‘risk’ posed by racialised migrants while obscuring the racist settler–colonial structures New Zealand was founded on. I suggest new pathways for the scientific study of migration to move forward.

• Scientific racismWhile early European campaigns to eliminate, dispossess, and replace indigenous peoples in the ‘New World’ relied on a religious justification, by the time lands were claimed by ‘right of discovery’ here in Aotearoa, European colonists had a new oppressive ideology in their arsenal – ‘scientific racism’. The history of this new ‘science’, too, cannot be separated from migration. Theories dividing humankind into distinct ‘races’ had been circulating since the late 17th Century. Yet racism as we understand it today – the idea that certain groups of people, distinguishable by phenotype, are innately superior to others – were popularised by a misread-ing of Charles Darwin’s (1859) On TheOrigin of Species, a text based largely on observations of biodiveristy made while he circumnavigated the world aboard the HMS Beagle....

• Dismantling Cook’s legacyHere in Aotearoa, the story of science is the story of mi-gration. Science and innovation allowed for migration, and migration led to scientific innovation through contact with new territories and biodiversity, and new cultural knowl-edge systems, resulting in the generation of new ideas. But religion and science have also been used to justify imperi-alism and colonisation, and produce and reproduce White supremacism, first through the Doctrine of Discovery, and then through scientific racism. Ideologies glorifying conquest and upholding racial hierarchies are foundational to New Zealand, and are em-bedded in our institutions. These racist foundations were celebrated in 2019 on the 250th anniversary of Cook’s in-vasion of Aotearoa. The government’s framing of the event as acknowledging early ‘encounters’ and of celebrating our ‘dual heritage’ (see Ministry of Culture and Heritage 2018) marginalised non-Māori communities of colour from the na-tional narrative, and obscured colonial violence, prompting Indigenous rights activist Tina Ngata to lay a complaint at the United Nations 17th Permanent Forum for Indigenous Issues (Ranford 2018). In addition, Contemporary New Zealand science and our immigration system tend to frame ethnic difference as a ‘problem’ or ‘risk’, and often reduce migrants to exploitable labour for the benefit of the national economy.

• let’s start asking new questions: What value do we place in freedom of movement across borders? How can we ensure our immigration system is free of na-tional/religious/ethnic/racial discrimination? How can we end New Zealand imperialism abroad, and ensure our foreign policy (e.g. trade deals) does not displace people? In addition, instead of asking: ‘How do we manage ethnic diversity?’, we need to start asking: How do we dismantle monoculturalism and Pākehā supremacy? How could the nation be imagined as plural? And what constitutional arrangements would ensure full expression to Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and full rights regardless of immigration status?Settler–colonial racism, and Western border imperialism have not always existed; They are social structures created by people, requiring constant maintenance, that can also be undone by the people. Imperialism, colonialism, and White supremacism arrived in Aotearoa 250 years with the arrival of Cook. It’s well past time to dismantle his legacy and begin a new era of hope and freedom in Aotearoa for all

Bronwyn Carlson - "Monumental Upheavals: Unsettled Fates of the Captain Cook Statue and Other Colonial Monuments in Australia"

• This is a very detailed & well done article on Cook statue(s) in Australia; lots of good cites. Fair & objective.
  • in journal Thesis Eleven Thesis Eleven: Critical Theory and Historical Sociology is a peer-reviewed academic journal that publishes six issues a year in the field of sociology. It has been in publication since 1980 and is currently published by SAGE Publications.[1]

• ??? Get a warning from WP that it may be AI-generated article !?!??

• URL https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/07255136211069416

• Authors: Bronwyn Carlson, Terri Farrelly

• CITE Carlson, B., & Farrelly, T. (2022). Monumental upheavals: Unsettled fates of the Captain Cook statue and other colonial monuments in Australia. Thesis Eleven, 169(1), 62-81. https://doi.org/10.1177/07255136211069416 (Original work published 2022)

• Abstract Monuments and statues are forms of commemoration. They typically pay tribute to people or events and aim to serve as a permanent marker, a link between present and past generations, committing them to memory and assigning them with importance and meaning. While commemorations can be beneficial in terms of recognising a legacy of the past and helping foster relationships between opposing groups, they can also be divisive and painful, failing to acknowledge other dimensions of historical fact and further hardening the boundaries between groups in conflict. Essentially, what we choose to commemorate reflects what we as a society actually value. This paper focuses on the unsettled fates of the Captain Cook statue that stands with prominence in Hyde Park, Warrane, and other colonial monuments in Australia. It also discusses the emotionality surrounding such commemorations. We question whether Cook’s actual achievements constitute the notoriety that has been bestowed upon him. A range of commentators have put forward ideas around what to do about the Cook statue which we discuss while also considering what the future might look like if the truth of colonial history is known and open conversations can be had.

• This paper focusses primarily on the Cook statue in Hyde Park, Warrane (Sydney), and the public debates about its fate. We will firstly situate the debates in global conversations about statues that represent colonial figures, slave traders and white supremacy. We will then discuss Cook and his actual achievements and consider whether they constitute the notoriety he has been afforded. The removal of colonial statues is often framed as ‘erasing history’ and in the next section we will discuss the history that Cook represents and in doing so question what histories are therefore silenced. Turning to the unsettled fates of the Cook statue, we explore the various solutions of what to do about colonial statues put forward by both Indigenous and non-Indigenous commentators. We then consider what the future might look like if the truth of colonial history is known and open conversations can be had.

• Cook has become ‘a polarising national symbol, representing possession and dispossession’ (Ireland, 2018: para. 22). He is commonly blamed for creating the lie that Terra Australis was terra nullius – an empty, unpossessed land – that therefore could become British territory. However, this was not the case. Cook did not believe Terra Australis would be a valuable European settlement (Moreton-Robinson, 2015). Nor did he make any personal claim to having ‘discovered’ Australia, explicitly noting in his log that others had preceded him to the western coastline (FitzSimons, 2019). However, his voyage did facilitate British colonisation of Australia, and the colonial and postcolonial violence and oppression that ensued.

• Immediately following his death, Cook became an imperial icon in Britain, the ‘hero of Empire’. However, even upon the arrival of the First Fleet in 1788, Cook was not considered a significant person, as expressed by Healy (1997: 19), who argues that, ‘Cook’s name was not invoked in any “founding” fashion’. Back on the east coast of Australia, the only memories of Cook were held by Aboriginal people. By the centenary in 1888, there was already confusion over the historical roles of Cook and Governor Arthur Phillip, who had been charged with the British settlement and colonisation of Australia (Healy, 1997). However, Cook was a more palatable figure because he was unencumbered by any convict connections. Following Federation in 1901, Cook became honoured as a founding father of Australia. He was a useful symbol to remind the new nation of their British identity, and to help overcome the awkwardness of the ongoing presence of the prior inhabitants who did not look like they were going to end up dying out after all.

• [discussing words "Discovered ..." on Cook statue in Sydney: "The claim of ‘discovery’ on the Cook statue has come without the necessary caveats that would serve to place the statue in an accurate historical context. Caveats such as ‘discovered this territory for Britain’, or ‘the first European to discover this territory’ might have made the commemoration slightly less ridiculous. Following the graffiti on the statue in 2017, Sydney’s Lord Mayor Clover Moore stated it may be time to ‘consider whether or not the inscriptions are appropriate or whether other inscriptions can also go on the statue that might reflect our 21st century perspective, where we acknowledge the original custodians of this land’ (Blakkarly, 2017). Moore stated there would be no rush to change the statues, but the conversation needed to be had. However, they then stated that the plan was not to change things in Hyde Park but rather to add to them, citing the addition in 2015 of the bullet sculptures to Indigenous diggers Yininmadyemi – Thou didst let fall by Tony Albert. ‘No rush’ indeed – in the midst of the 2020 BLM protests, that conversation was still being refused."

N. Thomas Cook : the extraordinary voyages of Captain James Cook

• Does not cover the 21st c protests/monuement: but does examine the culturual conflicts as they happened during cooks life. Lots of detail on claiming lands; STDs; violence; treating indiegnous in a humane way, etc

• Already in JC sources

• p xxxi Here, as for most of his posthumous life, Cook was a monument rather than a man. As children, we were introduced not to a particular person, but to a dauntingly stern navigator who exemplified the virtues of the names of his ships: the Endeavour, the Resolution, the Discovery and the Adventure. The propensity to idealize Cook has proved durable. It began late in his

• p xxxii own lifetime. His death provoked a flood of praise and commemoration. During the nineteenth century he became one of a series of British empire heroes. In the twentieth, Cook celebrations were of special national importance in Australia and New Zealand, but the perception of him as a major historical figure was equally sustained in Britain, Canada and elsewhere. The level of interest has not diminished in recent years, despite the discredited status of the imperial ideologies with which Cook was for so long associated. A full-scale Endeavour replica completed in 1994 has retraced Cook’s routes and called at many places in Britain, north America and the Pacific; it is visited by thousands of people, and continues to be the focus of re-enactments, television series, and commemorative events. Feasibility studies for a further replica, of the Resolution, are well advanced, Cook museums are renovated, Cook films and books appear steadily. The range of more particular ‘Cook effects’ is positively bewildering. Inspector Morse, the British television detective, goes simply by surname as a way of coping with the fact that his father, a Cook enthusiast, felt that if girls could be called Faith, Hope or Charity, his son could be called Endeavour; Mercedes-Benz markets a ‘Captain Cook Sprinter’, a family van supposedly appropriate to more adventurous tourists; and Cook appears on wine labels, ashtrays, tea-towels, T-shirts, banknotes, coins and innumerable stamps.

• p xxxii Page n33 This enthusiasm is not shared by many Pacific Islanders. Hawaiian nationalists, in particular, have been categorical in their condemnation of the navigator. In Hawaii, it is widely believed that Cook personally introduced the venereal disease that later had a devastating effect on the indigenous population. Cook is accordingly described as a ‘syphilitic racist’ by HaunaniKay Trask, an influential activist and one of a group of native scholars who have documented the tragedy of contact and dispossession that Cook inaugurated. In Australia, Aboriginal people are equally negative. In many parts of the country, Cook traditions evoke a ruthlessly violent figure who goes from place to place shooting indiscriminately, never asking permission to venture into people’s territory, acting with peremptory cruelty with the aim of taking the land. The title of a painting by the Arnhem Land artist Paddy Wainburranga, Too Many Captain Cooks, sums up their attitude. This grass-roots anti-colonialism has a scholarly counterpart in recent writing that ranges from theoretical inquiry into the ways Cook took possession of places, by mapping and naming them, to more straightforward denunciation of his violence. This reaction against Cook cannot be dismissed. On many occasions Cook and his subordinates shot at Islanders who committed minor thefts. The worst incidents took place in the heat and confusion of the moment,

p xxxiii but Cook also sometimes acted in an extreme but considered fashion, flogging, mutilating or physically humiliating Islanders. It has to be acknowledged, also, that he was in the business of dispossession: he claimed inhabited islands and lands right around the Pacific for the Crown. Yet when we damn Cook for inaugurating the business of colonization, we are in underlying agreement with traditional Cook idealizers - we are seeing the explorer above all as a founder or precursor, and judging him according to how we judge what happened afterwards. He is history’s man.

p 21 - Those who look back from the early twenty-first century upon the whole history of global imperialism must have the sense that lands were routinely taken and people regularly subdued without compunction. The proponents of exploration in the late eighteenth century went, however, to considerable pains to define liberal commerce as something utterly different to the Iberian conquest of America — which they dismissed as a vicious looting operation. It was anticipated — in de Brosses’s theory of colonization, and the Admiralty instructions to Byron, Wallis, and Cook - that what were called ‘convenient situations’ might be purchased with the consent of a country’s inhabitants, which would provide bases for a mutually beneficial commerce. The potential of the model to produce a more humane colonization may be judged by de Brosses’s unfortunate choice of a south African illustration in support of his thesis. He believed that the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope had ‘never distressed’ the so-called Hottentots, and that the latter had in return made themselves useful to the settlers. Social conditions at the Cape were actually well known in Europe, and this port that demanded land and produce and yet was supposed to have left natives undisturbed was a fiction of wishful ignorance. Yet the rhetoric could not acknowledge the inevitable consequences of imperial expansion, and official directions included what amounted to ethical guidelines: invasive actions were implicitly prohibited, and all efforts had to be made to establish and sustain good relations with local inhabitants.

p 100 Cook wrote that this treatment ‘might have had some good effect had we been going to stay any time in this place, but as we were going away it might as well have been let alone’. He then deleted the passage, in order to leave negative comment on Hicks out of the record, but what he said nevertheless marked one of the limits of his mission. He had been told to take possession of lands, and in this sense he was a colonizer, but Cook’s colonial interventions in Maori life were tentative and tactical. He was not authorized to make the Maori subject to European law, and he well understood that he was in no position to do so. He tried to cultivate ‘friendship’, meaning trade, and would deploy force if friendship, or trade, failed, but he tried to do no more than manage the meeting. He presumed that the Maori governed their own lives and would continue to do so. He did not see himself creating a

p 128 Despite the impulsive imperialism of this declaration of possession, Cook’s excursus upon the coast and environment of Australia and on the people of the land, which he composed soon after the visit to Possession Island, shows us just how far this seaman had come since Tierra del Fuego, where his remarks on the Haush amounted to less than 400 words. Here, his descriptive reflections were much longer. They ranged over physique, hair, ornament, body paint and piercing, canoes, subsistence and houses. He provided the wordlist that I’ve already discussed, and proceeded to make a set of remarks that were not published at the time, but became famous much later:

Nicholas Thomas "The Uses of Captain Cook"

• author is professor of antrhopolgy Nicholas Thomas (anthropologist)
• JC article already has a book by him " the extraordinary voyages of Captain James Cook"
• Chapter title: The uses of Captain Cook: early exploration in the public history of Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia
• This is a chapter in a book:

 title={Rethinking settler colonialism: History and memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa},
 author={Coombes, A.},
 isbn={9781526121547},
 series={Studies in Imperialism},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=-28CEAAAQBAJ},
 year={2017},
 publisher={Manchester University Press}

In this chapter, Thomas analyzes how Cook's encounters with Indigenous Australians and Māori have been reimagined in public history, reflecting colonial narratives. He discusses how Cook's observations and representations contributed to the construction of colonial identities.

• ONline at https://archive.org/details/rethinkingsettle0000anni
• It is chapter 7 pp = 140-155
• The Chapter has Thomas visiting a handful of art/monuments in Austr. that refer to Cook, and he comments on them.
• Page 6 Intro: Nicholas Thomas’s chapter explores the comparative construction of Captain James Cook as a foundational figure in the national histories of both Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia. While initially uncritically produced by settler communities in both countries as an heroic adventurer, more critical revisionist accounts have emerged over the last thirty years. Thomas explores the contrasts between the historical accounts produced in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand, arguing that these exemplify fundamentally distinct approaches to..
• p 145 [discussing a painting by Fox of Cook landing in Aus] One marine kneels in the act of shooting at the indigenous men; two sailors are readying themselves to join him. At the centre of the painting, however, Cook’s arm is outstretched in an authoritative gesture of restraint as he signals to his men to hold their fire, his intent regarding native people one of charity. The larger message, evidently, is that the colony’s beginning was distinguished by this honourable imperial benevolence. This view of Cook’s character was not new: in the eighteenth century the general perception was, as William Cowper put it, that ‘the rights of man were sacred in [Cook’s] view’.® Nor was this thesis entirely without justification: Cook was more concerned to avoid indigenous fatalities than most of his contemporaries and successors, but he was all too aware that ‘the rights of man’ were routinely transgressed when the locals resisted his intrusion. Fox borrowed the outstretched arm from Webber’s imaginative painting of Cook’s death, and one interpretation of that controversial event 'Yet Fox’s incorporation of this noble propensity into the settler nation’s moment of origin was both novel and entirely without justification. As any reader of Cook’s journal will be aware, Cook made no such signal on the morning of Sunday, 29 April 1770: indeed, we have his own word for it that he fired the first shot and did most of the shooting that followed.

• p 146 The violence of early contact was not universally effaced: a filmed re-enactment of the Poverty Bay landing, produced just a few years after Fox’s painting, did represent the shooting of at least one Maori.’ In general, however, the idealising and monumentalising pattern of Cook imagery in both Australia and New Zealand through most of the twentieth century was along the lines of Gilfillan’s and Fox’s representations. Over the same period, all the available texts of the voyage narratives were heavily abridged: accounts of violent incidents were abbreviated or slanted; and references to sexual contact, and the...
• p 147: ... transmission of venereal disease to indigenous populations that Cook had tried, and failed, to prevent were edited out. The voyage of the Endeavour thus provided a dramatic and benevolent first chapter to the Australian national narrative. It was given great emphasis — for example, in primary-school history teaching - in part because the actual beginnings of the colony in the 1788 penal settlement were unavoidably brutal. New Zealand’s national origins were more often located in the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi, though Cook’s circumnavigation of the islands was often celebrated, and throughout the twentieth century, as in Australia, New Zealand’s politicians, historians and others felt the need to regularly restate Cook’s greatness. There were some dissenting voices, but only of a minority

• The following p 147 mention early protests in 1970 australia

• P 147 ... Over the last three decades of the twentieth century, indigenous issues and struggles became increasingly visible and were gradually acknowledged and responded to, in fits and starts, in the public sphere and through a range of official policies. In Australia, this process was barely in motion at the time of the bicentenary (1970) of Cook’s visit, which despite some Aboriginal protest was celebrated essentially in the conventional manner. It was rather the bicentenary of white settlement in 1988 that occasioned a far more widespread reconsideration and debate around national history. Although Cook was occasionally, then and subsequently, the direct target of protest or satirical art, national historical preoccupations focused not on him but on the process of dispossession generally and with increasing particularity the ‘stolen generations’ debate.

• p 149 [discussing art in an airport] ... redispositions, and indeed according to the extent to which they notice or reflect on the piece at all. Yet it would seem that at the very 2 least it uses Cook to celebrate Aboriginal society, and conversely uses : that respectful and appreciative construct of Aboriginal society to celebrate Cook. Cook is never just a dead man: he is an emblem of a moment in history and, for many people, still a national founderfigure. What is unavoidably celebrated, then, is not just Cook or Cook’s response, but something of the nation that came after him. In this public, semi-official, situation the use of Cook’s words is not the same as James Miller’s. In a liberal epoch that struggles to come to terms with the violence of settler history, and in the millenial moment of the Olympic Games, the older, overtly triumphalist and colonialist understanding, which saw Australian history as an emanation and extension of Cook’s adventurousness and humanity is not going to be restated, but neither is Miller’s view which denounced and lamented the holocaust perpetrated by Cook’s successors. If neither of these national narratives are offered, Cook remains present as a presiding spirit with an ambivalent legacy.

• P 151: [disussing an artwork in End. River] ...Further images outline the arrival of missions, twentieth century experiences and recent struggles for self-determination. In this narrative Cook’s visit does not define what happens subsequently, either positively or negatively. His visit marks neither a beginning nor an ending but an anomaly, a respectful intrusion, an odd moment followed by more predictably violent and exploitative colonisation. The implication is that for Guugu Yimidhirr Cook is important, but not foundational; it is the creation that comes before him and the history that comes after him that have made and injured this group of people.. Further, what matters now is not how we judge Cook, but the interplay of black and white footprints around the wall, and the partnership and reconciliation that they exemplify.

• P 152: This is probably sound, even if the distinction between aggressive ritual and ritualised aggression is a fuzzy one; but the mariners might well have fired even if they realised that they faced the former rather than the latter, and this suggestion has no bearing on the subsequent shootings at the river mouth or of the people in the canoe. The cultural differences between Europeans and Maori — profound though they may have been — did not prevent those on either side from understanding intrusions, threats and

• P 152: Around Poverty Bay, there is a range of older statues of the usual sort and bearing the usual inscriptions. The text inscribed on the most recent statue, together with a bilingual plaque close to the actual meeting-site, however, emphasise the two-sided character of Cook’s visit and expresses regret that Maori were killed. Their wording carefully refrains from allocating blame, stressing that the shooting resulted from misunderstanding rather than malevolence: Cook’s men, it is claimed, thought that Maori were about to attack, confusing an aggressive performance with hostile intent, and so opened fire. At best, this reflects a speculative interpretation of one out of some 5-6 deaths that took place here. The source of the account is probably Anne Salmond’s suggestion that the man who rushed at and threw a spear into the yawl, soon after the first landing at Turanganui, was making a formal challenge rather than actually attacking the boat.’ This is probably sound, even if the distinction between aggressive ritual and ritualised aggression is a fuzzy one; but the mariners might well have fired even if they realised that they faced the former rather than the latter, and this suggestion has no bearing on the subsequent shootings at the river mouth or of the people in the canoe. The cultural differences between Europeans and Maori — profound though they may have been — did not prevent those on either side from understanding intrusions, threats and

• p 153: There is no getting away from the fact that the violence occurred because of a straightforward collision of wills: Cook would land, and Maori would resist him; Maori would snatch at the Europeans’ weapons which they wanted and mariners would shoot to stop them being taken. Cook was committed to seizing Maori, and Maori would fight to the last to escape seizure. This was the inherently immoral conflict of interest that troubled and perplexed Hawkesworth. Its contradictory quality now seems to be suppressed in the public packaging of history, because the bicultural understanding of the nation wants to see the rupture between white settlers and native people as resolvable — and as prospectively resolved. The bilingual plaque just referred to advises the viewer that both sides ‘began to learn about each other, exchanged gifts, and mourned the deaths which had occurred’. (In fact, no real exchanges of gifts took place between Europeans and Maori during that encounter.) It is easier to digest the notion that a moment of violence at the beginning of the nation’s European history was an unfortunate accident, importantly succeeded by mutual regret and reciprocity, than it is to acknowledge that the killings may equally be seen to prefigure contradictions of interest around possession and sovereignty — contradictions that would in time result in many more deaths and which remain somewhat intractable today.

G. Williams editor: Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments

• A collection of a dozen essays about Cook etc

• NOT availabe in Internet Archive
• GB has a lmited preview: https://www.google.com/books/edition/Captain_Cook/VqDHGru-zcIC

 title={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
 author={Williams, G.},
 isbn={9781843831006},
 lccn={ocm54989198},
 series={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=VqDHGru-zcIC},
 year={2004},
 publisher={Boydell Press}

• Three of the chapters are itemized here in distinct sections
  • Chapter 5 A. Salmond
  • CHatper 6. P H King
  • Chapter 12. G. Williams

G. WIllliams "As befits our age, there are no more heros"

• Abstract is really vague .. seems to focus on the 50 yrs after Cooks death: how he was perceived in Europe then. NOTTHIG Nabout contemporary controversy.

• Chapter cite:

title={‘As befits our age, there are no more heroes’: reassessing Captain Cook}, 
booktitle={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},       
 publisher={Boydell & Brewer},
editor={Williams, Glyndwr Editor}, 
year={2004},
pages={230–245}, 

collection={Regions and Regionalism in History}}

This is chatper 12 in book

 title={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
 author={Williams, G.},
 isbn={9781843831006},
 lccn={ocm54989198},
 series={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=VqDHGru-zcIC},
 year={2004},
 publisher={Boydell Press}

Pauline Nawahineokala'i King "Some Thoughts on Native Hawaiian Attitudes Towards Captain Cook"

https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/captain-cook/some-thoughts-on-native-hawaiian-attitudes-towards-captain-cook/DAD633620156C359D2BCE9BD64A34FE2

• author: Pauline Nawahineokala'i King
• Chapter pages = 94-109
• BOok editor is Glyndwr Williams

Chapter 6 in a book:

 title={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
 author={Williams, G.},
 isbn={9781843831006},
 lccn={ocm54989198},
 series={Captain Cook: Explorations and Reassessments},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=VqDHGru-zcIC},
 year={2004},
 publisher={Boydell Press}

• Abstract: This chapter examines Hawaiian perspectives on Cook, highlighting criticisms of his introduction of diseases and the subsequent depopulation of Indigenous Hawaiians. It discusses how Cook's interactions are viewed within the context of Western imperialism and colonialism.

NG Sammler, K. G., "Apparatuses of Observation and Occupation: Settler Colonialism and Space Science in Hawai'i"

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/02637758211042374

• Cite: Sammler, K. G., & Lynch, C. R. (2021). Apparatuses of observation and occupation: Settler colonialism and space science in Hawai’i. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 39(5), 945-965. https://doi.org/10.1177/02637758211042374 (Original work published 2021)

• full art online at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/02637758211042374

• Abstract: This paper examines two space science infrastructures in Hawai'i, the Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) and the Hawai'i Space Exploration Analog and Simulation (HI-SEAS). It considers how scientific observation and colonial occupation are co-constituted through the production of apparatuses – extensive material practices and arrangements that iteratively produce subject–object relations. By analyzing TMT and HI-SEAS as apparatuses, we show how both involve the active ordering of space, time, and matter in ways that are dependent upon existing settler colonial relations while enacting specific subject positions key to the projection of settler colonialism across space and time. TMT materializes the Archimedean point, or view-from-nowhere, on which Western scientific “objectivity” depends, while HI-SEAS works to produce ideal colonizer-subjectivities and orient their bodies to the spatialities of the colony. Engaging Native Hawai’ian, Indigenous, and allied anti-colonial critiques, we argue that social science of outer space research must critically address the colony, as its basic logics are foundational to the practices of contemporary space science and imaginaries of space exploration.

• Body: In The Transit of Empire, Jodi A. Byrd describes Enlightenment logics that motivated British Captain James Cook’s late-18th century voyages to the South Pacific. The goal of Cook’s first voyage, commissioned by the Royal Society, was to observe the 1769 transit of Venus – a rare astronomical event in which Venus passes between Earth and Sun, visible as a small black dot moving across the star’s bright surface. The event’s periodicity results in two transits separated by an eight-year period then not again for over one hundred years. Viewing the transit offered observers a unique opportunity to gain insight into the size of our solar system and map distances between celestial bodies. In the history of European colonialism, the scientific objectives of Cook’s voyages are often overlooked in relation to his role in initiating colonization of Australia and New Zealand and, later, Hawai'i and much of the South Pacific. Yet, as Byrd describes, the transit of Venus is inextricably tied to broader projects of European colonization, not only by Cook’s voyage, but also by common logics linking observation, possession, and domination. After the transit event, Cook and the HMS Endeavour crew claimed many Pacific Islands for the British Empire. During this purported ‘Age of Discovery,’ observation and occupation corresponded through international law. As Shaw describes, “[o]ccupation, both in the normal sense of the word and in its legal meaning, was often preceded by discovery, that is the realisation of the existence of a particular piece of land” (2003: 425). In other words, the mere realization or sighting was “sufficient to constitute title to territory” (Shaw, 2003: 425). Two-hundred and fifty years after Cook’s astronomical observations from his makeshift observatory in Tahiti, Pacific Islands continue to serve as important sites for the production of astronomical knowledge by colonial institutions.

• Just as Cook’s voyage formed part of a broader apparatus of exploration and colonization, HI-SEAS connects to extensive apparatuses, largely in Europe and the United States, actively planning offworld colonization. The dome was built in 2013 by Henk Rogers, a Dutch video game developer who made most of his money from Tetris licensing rights.

Byrd JA (2011) The Transit of Empire

Byrd JA (2011) The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Crossref.

 title={The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism},
 author={Byrd, J.A.},
 isbn={9781452933177},
 series={First Peoples: New Directions in Indigenous Studies},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=3_JNcXnUjZkC},
 year={2011},
 publisher={University of Minnesota Press}

• Cook discussed p 21-28, mostly re Hawaii

• Google Books hjas pretyy good preview of Cook pages: https://books.google.com/books?id=3_JNcXnUjZkC

NG: Metin Toprak - "Captain Cook's Voyage Around the World: The First Steps of Globalization and the First Problems"

https://www.intechopen.com/chapters/38350

• This is a chapter in book "Globalization - Approaches to Diversity"

• Cite:

author = {Metin Toprak and Berna Köseoğlu},
title = {Captain Cook's Voyage Around the World - The First Steps of  Globalization and the First Problems} ,
booktitle = {Globalization},
publisher = {IntechOpen},
address = {Rijeka},
year = {2012},
editor = {Hector Cuadra-Montiel},
chapter = {2},
doi = {10.5772/45836},
url = {https://doi.org/10.5772/45836}

• Abstract This chapter analyzes Cook's voyages as early instances of globalization, focusing on how his encounters with Indigenous peoples were framed within colonial ideologies. It critiques Cook's portrayals of native cultures and the imposition of British norms.

NG (too old) Bernard Smith "Cook's Posthumous Reputation" in Captain James Cook and His Times

• This is a book from 1979, a collection of papers from conferences?

• Online in IntrArch at https://archive.org/details/captainjamescook00cong

• There are a cpouple of journal articles from 1979 that are reviews of the book e.g:
  • CIte: @article{Journal of Navigation_1978, volume={31}, DOI={10.1017/S0373463300038674}, number={1}, journal={Journal of Navigation}, year={1978}, pages={116–116}}

• Kind of old: 1978, but might be early source for controversy? Yes, there is virtually no discussion of controversy; kind of a fanboy book.

• One chpater seems okay: "Cook's Posthumous Reputation" by Bernard Smith

pp 159-186

• P 185 Although the tone of this paper may in places have given that impression, I want to emphasize that it has not been part of my intention to discredit the achievements of Cook. My intention has been to suggest that it is timely that they be placed in a new perspective. Amidst the collapse of the European colonial empires, amidst mounting criticism of the cultural consequences of high technology, it seems desirable that Cook and his achievements be interpreted in a less Europocentric fashion than they have been in the past. We might have to admit, for example, that he discovered little in the way of new lands; that wherever he came there were usually people who had been settled for centuries. They provided, through trading, the provisions so crucial for the successful prosecution of his ventures. The discovery of the world is really a subject for prehistorians. Cook was not a discoverer of new lands in any fundamental sense of the word. He was the highly successful leader of three well-balanced, scientific research teams; a communications man, who was instrumental in bringing a mixed bag of goods, ironware and syphilis, written language and centralized government, and much more to the Pacific. It could be said of Cook more than of any other person that he helped to make the world one world; not an harmonious world, as the men of the Enlightenment had so rashly hoped, but an increasingly interdependent one. His ships began the process of making the world a global village.

NG: The Conversation

https://theconversation.com/make-no-mistake-cooks-voyages-were-part-of-a-military-mission-to-conquer-and-expand-134404

• Title: Make no mistake: Cook’s voyages were part of a military mission to conquer and expand
• Author: Stephen Gapps
• Published: April 27, 2020 7:04pm EDT

• Interesting read, but kind of a blog / magazine, not a journal. Also, very short & high-level. NG

• Author Gapps is no slouch, other writings include:
  • Gapps, S. 2018a. The Sydney Wars. Sydney : New South Publishing.
  • Gapps, S. 2018b. " Contested Waterways: Aboriginal Resistance in Early Colonial Sydney." In Signals, edited by Australian National Maritime Museum, 22 – 27. NSW Maritime Museum.
  • Gapps, S. 2021. Gudyarra: The First Wiradjuri war of Resistance - the Bathurst war, 1822-1824. Sydney : New South Publishing.

• INtro: Captain James Cook arrived in the Pacific 250 years ago, triggering British colonisation of the region. We’re asking researchers to reflect on what happened and how it shapes us today. You can see other stories in the series here and an interactive here. The military nature of the Endeavour’s voyage – as part of an aggressive reconnaissance and defence against Indigenous resistance – has historically been overlooked or downplayed. But musket fire was used many times to teach lessons of British military superiority. Violence underscored almost all of Cook’s Pacific encounters with Indigenous peoples. In the broader strategic sense – as all 18th and early 19th century scientific voyages were – Cook’s voyages were part of a European drive to conquer. The aim was to claim resources and trade in support of the British Empire’s expansion. At its heart, Cook’s first voyage was first and foremost a Royal Navy expedition and he was chosen as a military commander who had a background in mathematics and cartography.

NG: (PhD thesis) Barker, Ryan - For Natural Philosophy and Empire: Banks, Cook, and ....

• For Natural Philosophy and Empire: Banks, Cook, and the Construction of Science and Empire in the Late Eighteenth Century

• ?? PhD thesis - Seems pretty on-point, but author never became a professor?

• Barker, Ryan, (2019). East Tennessee State University

Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 3551.

https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3551

• Abstract

Abstract: Using part of James Cook’s first voyage of discovery in which he explored the Australian coast, and Joseph Banks’s 1772 voyage to Iceland as case studies, this thesis argues that late eighteenth-century travelers used scientific voyages to present audiences at home with a new understanding and scientific language in which to interpret foreign places and peoples. As a result, scientific travelers were directly influential not only in the creation of new forms of knowledge and intellectual frameworks, but they helped direct the shape and formation of the Empire. The thesis explores the interplay between institutional influence and individual agency in both journeys. As a result, it will argue that the scientific voyages that were most influential in the imperial process were those directed and funded by the state.

NG Hampton Sides - The Wide Wide Sea

The Wide Wide Sea It is recent book but by a journalist Hampton Sides, not a scholar. ?? maybe it was cited in article before, then removed?

• Author Hampton Sides has a BA in History, but is not a professor: he write s popular history books

 title={The Wide Wide Sea: Imperial Ambition, First Contact and the Fateful Final Voyage of Captain James Cook},
 author={Sides, H.},
 isbn={9780525565703},
 url={https://books.google.com/books?id=dE9KEQAAQBAJ},
 year={2025},
 publisher={Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group}

Dallas Rogers - Nautico-imperialism and settler-colonialism: water and land in the New South Wales colony.

• in Australian Geographer
• Cite: Rogers, Dallas. Australian Geographer. Mar2022, Vol. 53 Issue 1, p85-104. 20p. DOI: 10.1080/00049182.2022.2032559. , Databa

• Full text is in WP:TWL

author = {Dallas Rogers and},
title = {Nautico-imperialism and settler-colonialism: water and land in the  New South Wales colony},
journal = {Australian Geographer},
volume = {53},
number = {1},
pages = {85--104},
year = {2022},
publisher = {Routledge},
doi = {10.1080/00049182.2022.2032559},
URL = {   https://doi.org/10.1080/00049182.2022.2032559

• Abstract: This article outlines the role of rivers and oceans in colonial land 'settlement' in Sydney. The analysis exposes a form of thalassic colonisation, whereby territoriality was a defining feature of settler-colonialism in the first decades of the colonial invasion, but wherein claiming and/or controlling vast bodies of water was necessary to that territoriality. Britain was a maritime empire and Sydney a maritime town in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, and there was a maritime pathway to early land theft in Australia. This archival analysis follows the colonial ships and Aboriginal nawi (bark canoes) to undertake a history from the water. Three nautico-imperial logics of settler-colonialism are presented. 1) ‘Aboriginal resistance and labour’ highlights the role of Aboriginal action against and incorporation into the colonial maritime economy and industries, and British Royal Navy exploration more broadly. 2) ‘Atomised colonial landscapes’ shows how Aboriginal Country was used as a colonial resource in the early maritime industries, with land claimed for ship building yards and whaling and sealing infrastructure, and trees felled for ship building. 3) Theorising the rivers and oceans as a ‘nautico-imperial infrastructure’ shows that water preceded land as a pivotal colonial infrastructure for the British maritime empire.

• ONLY significvant mention of COOK IN THE Body text: The narrative history of the first years of the British colonial invasion of Sydney is replete with key events that took place between the British Empire and Aboriginal peoples at the waters' edge (Irish [29]). One temporal marker of this history is the shooting of a Gweagal man on the shores of Kamay/Botany Bay in 1770 by Lieutenant James Cook acting on behalf of the British Crown. Eight years later, between 18 and 20 January 1788, the 11 British ships under Captain Arthur Phillip's command arrived in Kamay/Botany Bay, and Aboriginal warriors were there to confront them again. 'When Lieutenant Cook sailed the HMB Endeavour up the East Coast in 1770, Yuin people lit carefully managed signal fires on headlands as a warning' to other Aboriginal peoples along the east coast (McBride and Smith [40], 24). They were warning of a water-born threat. As the armed tender HMS Supply rounded the southern headland of Kamay/Botany Bay, the crew caught sight of 'several of ye natives running along, brandishing their spears, and making towards the harbour' (Gapps [17], 13), according to the report of Lieutenant Philip Gidley King, who had just joined Phillip aboard the HMS Supply.

Purcell, Mary - Towards unsettling the racial nation-state: affective interventions in an Australian literature classroom.

• By: Purcell, Mary.
• Journal Critical Studies in Education is not major
• Cite Towards unsettling the racial nation-state: affective interventions in an Australian literature classroom. By: Purcell, Mary, Critical Studies in Education, 17508487, Mar2025, Vol. 66, Issue 1

• in WP:TWL

• About racism In Austr, esp how nationality is often felt to be defined by whiteness.

• ONLY paratgraph that mentions Cook: The exclusions at the heart of the Australian nation-state began prior to its actual history. In 1770, Captain James Cook ignored his instructions from the Royal Society which stated, 'No European Nation has a right to occupy any part of their country, or settle among them without their voluntary consent. Conquest over such people can give no just title' (Moreton-Robinson, [46], p. 112). Cook chose to invade and occupy Australia in the name of King George III of Britain without the consent of, or treaty with, the 'natives'. He did this because he did not see them claiming ownership of the land in the appropriative ways he recognised. He had no understanding of the deeply relational way indigenous Australians were ontologically connected to country. Thus, Australia's Indigenous people are homeless and out of place because the legal fiction of terra nullius still positions them as trespassers (Moreton-Robinson [46], p. 18).

Miller, Robert J. - UNRAVELING THE INTERNATIONAL LAW OF COLONIALISM: LESSONS FROM AUSTRALIA AND THE UNITED STATES.

• in Michigan Journal of Race & Law

• Cite: Miller, Robert J.; Hobbs, Harry. Michigan Journal of Race & Law. Fall2023, Vol. 28 Issue 2, p271-344. 74p. DOI: 10.36643/mjrl.28.2.unraveling. , D

• Cite2: Robert J. Miller & Harry Hobbs,

Unraveling the International Law of Colonialism: Lessons From Australia and the United States, 28 MICH. J. RACE & L. 271 (2023). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol28/iss2/3 https://doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.28.2.unraveling

• Only significant disscusion of Cook is p 290-291

• INCludes interesting qutoe from Douglas in ROyal Society to Cook (pre voyate instgructiosn): " “exercise the utmost patient and forbearance” because “they are the natu- ral, and in the strictest sense of the word, the legal possessors of the several Regions they inhabit.... he was told

to take possession of the “Convenient Situations in the Country” only “with the Consent of the Natives.”

• Abstract

In the 1823 decision of Johnson v. M’Intosh, Chief Justice John Marshall formulated the international law of colonialism. Known as the Doctrine of Discovery, Marshall’s opinion drew on the practices of European nations during the Age of Exploration to legitimize European acquisition of territory owned and occupied by Indigenous peoples. Two centuries later, Johnson—and the international law of colonialism—remains good law throughout the world. In this Article we examine how the Doctrine of Discovery was adapted and applied in Australia and the United States. As Indigenous peoples continue to press for a re-examination of their relationships with governments, we also consider whether and how the international law of colonialism has been mitigated or unraveled in these two countries. While we find that the Doctrine lingers, close examination provides several important lessons for all Indigenous nations and governments burdened by colonization.

• P 290-291: The situation soon changed. In 1770, British navigator James Cook

was commissioned by the Royal Society to travel to Tahiti and observe the transit of Venus. On this trip, the British government asked Cook to explore further south. His instructions were clear. James Douglas, the pres- ident of the Royal Society, explained that if Cook were to come across “natives of the several Lands where the Ship may touch”, he should “exercise the utmost patient and forbearance” because “they are the natu- ral, and in the strictest sense of the word, the legal possessors of the several Regions they inhabit.” 114 Douglas noted further: “No European Nation has a right to occupy any part of their country, or settle among them with- out their voluntary consent.” 115 The government’s secret instructions to Cook were consistent with this position. If Cook found land, he was told to take possession of the “Convenient Situations in the Country” only “with the Consent of the Natives.” Cook mapped the eastern Coast of the continent and encountered Aboriginal people during his voyage. However, on August 22, 1770, on Bedanug Island (renamed Possession Island) off the south-western tip of Cape York, he claimed—without the consent of the natives—possession of the eastern Australian coastline for King George III. Cook called this new territory New South Wales. 117 British colonization followed in 1788, when Captain Arthur Phillip led a fleet of eleven ships and over 1400 peo- ple to Warrane (renamed Sydney Cove) on Gadigal country. Phillip was not instructed to negotiate a treaty with the inhabitants, but he was commanded “to endeavor . . . to open an intercourse with the natives and to conciliate their affections” and live with them in “amity and kind- ness.” 118 Despite several attempts by Eora and Burramattagal leaders to protect their lands and engage with the British in “an enduring reciprocal relationship,” 119 Phillip chose not to negotiate. Phillip planted a flag and asserted British sovereignty over half of the continent, which he named the Colony of New South Wales. Indigenous attempts to protest over the following years were met with detachments of soldiers. 120 The British decision to simply claim territory without negotiating with the Indigenous owners was incongruous with the approach they took elsewhere. Only a few years earlier, King George III issued the 1763 Royal Proclamation, which confirmed Aboriginal “Nations or Tribes” in North America who had not sold or ceded territory through treaty, owned their land. 121 What accounts for the distinctive approach in Australia? Several theories have been proposed. Some historians have pointed to the model of colonization. As the British arrived with a substantial military force they did not need to negotiate or develop productive relationships with the Indigenous political communities they encountered. 122 Others have suggested that the distinctive foundations of colonialism in Australia (a penal colony) meant there was little opportunity to develop relationships based on trade. 123 Still others argue that the racist attitudes of the day were influential. In 1837 a Select Committee on Aborigines reported to the United Kingdom House of Commons, declaring that Aboriginal people were “barbarous” and “so entirely destitute . . . of the rudest forms of civi

Glyndwr Williams - Orders to get consent

The historian Glyndwr Williams points out that the Admiralty's orders to Cook on the first voyage explicitly required Cook to obtain consent of indigenous peoples before claiming the land for Britain – yet Cook claimed the east coast of Australia without securing their consent.

• p 174: What is altogether more open to debate is Cook’s role as a force in Europe’s entry into the Pacific, its invasion as some, probably a minority, would regard it. How far should an explorer following official instructions be held responsible for the long-term consequences of his actions? This is not an altogether straightforward issue. When in a ceremony on Possession Island in August 1770 on his first voyage Cook claimed the east coast of Australia for the British crown, he was both following his instructions and exceeding them. His sailing orders in 1768 had given him instructions that he was both following his instructions and exceeding them. His sailing orders in 1768 had given him instructions that he was

• p 175: Cook’s decision in early 1770 to head towards, and survey, the unknown coast was his own, as was his subsequent decision to take possession without ‘the Consent of the Natives’ of a region parts of which were clearly peopled, although the inhabitants seemed to be few in number and without recognisable political organisation. The personal nature of the double decision is a reminder that it would be as wrong to regard Cook as an unwitting agent of British imperialism as to fall into the trap of blaming him for what happened afterwards. He was more sensitive than most to the likely repercussions of the European arrival in the Pacific; but his command of successive voyages indicated both his professional commitment and his patriotic belief that if a European nation should dominate the lands and waters of the Pacific then it should be Britain.

Robert Tombs defended Cook

The historian Robert Tombs defended Cook against accusations that he initiated British imperialism in the Pacific, arguing that European influence in the region was inevitable, and that Cook was more humane and enlightened than most of his contemporaries. Tombs suggested that blaming Cook for 21st century racism and inequities is facile and avoids addressing the underlying social issues.