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A gold ingot excavated from the Dingling Mausoleum, the tomb of the Wanli Emperor (r. 1572–1620)

The economy of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) was the largest in the world at the time, with China's share of the world's gross domestic product estimated at 31%,[1] and other estimates at 25% by 1500 and 29% by 1600.[2] The Ming era is considered one of the three golden ages of China, alongside the Han and Tang dynasties.

The founder of the Ming dynasty, the Hongwu Emperor, aimed to create a more equal society with self-sufficient peasant farms, supplemented by necessary artisans and merchants in the cities. The state was responsible for distributing surpluses and investing in infrastructure. To achieve this goal, the state administration was reestablished and tax inventories of the population and land were conducted. Taxes were lowered from the high levels set by the previous Mongol Yuan dynasty. The government's support for agricultural production and reconstruction of the country resulted in surpluses, which were then traded in markets. However, this also led to the emergence of property differentiation and the growing political influence of large landowners (gentry) and merchants, ultimately weakening the power of the government.

During the middle Ming period, there was a gradual relaxation of state control over the economy. This was evident in the government's decision to abolish state monopolies on the production of salt and iron, and to privatize these and other industries such as textiles, porcelain, and paper mills. This led to the establishment of numerous private enterprises, some of which were quite large and employed hundreds of workers who were paid wages. In the agricultural sector, there was a growing trend of farms specializing in crops for the market, with different regions focusing on different crops. This also led to the expansion of market-oriented enterprises that grew crops such as tea, fruit, and industrial crops like lacquerware and cotton on a large scale. This regional specialization in agriculture continued into the Qing dynasty. Additionally, there was a shift from paying taxes in the form of products and labor obligations at the beginning of the dynasty to paying them in monetary form over time.

In addition to internal trade, foreign trade also flourished during the Ming era, but it was heavily regulated by the government in the first two centuries. The conservative attitudes of the government towards foreign trade in the early 16th century did not affect its volume, but rather led to its militarization. Eventually, China opened up connections with Europe and America and lifted government prohibitions, becoming a central hub in the global trade network. However, there were still disparities in economic development among different regions of China. As trade routes and economic centers shifted, regions such as Sichuan, Shaanxi, and others lost their significance.[3] The decline of the Silk Road also resulted in the decline of cities like Kaifeng, Luoyang, Chengdu, and Xi'an, which were no longer on the main trade routes.[3] On the other hand, the southeastern coastal provinces and areas along the Yangtze River and Grand Canal experienced significant growth. New cities emerged along these waterways, including Tianjin, Jining, Hankou, Songjiang, and Shanghai.[3] The most populous cities during the Ming dynasty were Beijing and Nanjing, as well as Suzhou, which served as the economic center of China.

Towards the end of the Ming era, natural disasters and the onset of the Little Ice Age caused a significant decline in agricultural production, particularly in the economically weaker northern region of China. As a result, the regime was unable to guarantee the safety and well-being of its population, leading to a loss of legitimacy and ultimately, its collapse due to peasant uprisings.

Country and people

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Country

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Ming China was geographically divided into distinct regions, with the main division being between the north and south, roughly along the Huai River. In the northern region, agriculture was centered around the cultivation of wheat and millet, leading to the consolidation of fields into larger estates. Peasants lived in compact villages that were connected by a network of land routes. The wars that resulted in the establishment of the Ming dynasty caused a decline in population in the north, which allowed for greater control by the authorities through the dense network of counties and prefectures. The Grand Canal, which was restored in the early 15th century, played a significant role in the economy of the north, with several cities growing along its route. In the 1420s, a new metropolis emerged in Beijing, accompanied by a large army of several hundred thousand men stationed in and around the city and on the northern border of the country.[4] In terms of transportation, the north relied on relatively slow methods such as carts and horses, while the south benefited from the abundance of canals, rivers, and lakes, which allowed for faster and cheaper transportation of goods by boat.[5]

In the south, rice was the main crop, requiring significantly more human labor. Growing seedlings, planting, weeding, and harvesting were all done manually, with draft animals only used for plowing.[6] The most developed region in the south, and in all of China, was Jiangnan, which roughly encompassed Zhejiang Province and the southern part of what was then South Zhili (presrnt-day Anhui and southern Jiangsu).[4] While the provinces of Jiangxi and Huguang also supplied rice to Jiangnan, areas outside of the waterways remained relatively undeveloped. During the Ming era, Jiangxi lost its former importance and its inhabitants moved to Huguang due to overpopulation. The center of Huguang also shifted from Jiangling (present-day Jingzhou) to Hankou.[7] In Fujian, the urban elite became wealthy through maritime trade, as the lack of land there led to a focus on trade. Guangdong remained weakly connected to the developed regions of China for most of the Ming period. Sichuan was a relatively independent peripheral region of the empire, while Yunnan and Guangxi were of minor importance.[8]

Population

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Map of Ming China, showing the borders of provinces, their names, and population numbers
Population of the Ming dynasty by province. Results of the 1393 census, in millions. Due to the exclusion of soldiers, some women and children, and imperfect registration, the actual number was higher, by various estimates by 10–40%.

The economic development of the country was heavily influenced by factors such as population size, population density, and the availability and cost of labor. However, due to a lack of reliable data, there is ongoing debate among historians about the exact population size during the Ming era. While censuses from the 1380s and 1390s are considered somewhat trustworthy, they only account for 59–60 million people, excluding soldiers and other groups. Based on these figures, 20th-century historians have estimated the population of Ming China at the end of the 14th century to be between 65–85 million.[a]

During the centuries of internal peace that followed, the population of China experienced significant growth. According to editors of county and prefectural chronicles, the population may have tripled or even quintupled since 1368, reaching its peak in the second half of the 16th century.[13] Modern historians have varying estimates of the population during this time period. John Fairbank suggests 160 million[14] inhabitants by the end of the Ming era, while Timothy Brook writes of 175 million[13] and Patricia Ebrey gives a figure of 200 million.[15] Frederick Mote estimates a population of 231 million by 1600 and 231 to 268 million by 1650.[16] While there is some disagreement among historians, it is clear that the population grew significantly between the late 14th and early 17th centuries. Despite a decline of one-sixth to one-quarter[17] due to peasant uprisings, epidemics, and the Manchu invasion, a new census taken fifteen years after the fall of the Ming dynasty still counted approximately 105 million people.[18]

Detail of the painting The Unfortunates, by Zhou Chen, 1516

During the last century of the Ming era, overpopulation led to a decline in living conditions, resulting in increased mortality rates and a decrease in population growth rates and life expectancy in most provinces. This also caused a widening gap in life expectancy between the lower and upper classes of the population.[19] Towards the end of the Ming era and the beginning of the Qing period, there was a reversal of these trends in some provinces, as the population sharply declined.

The settlement of Ming China was characterized by significant disparities. In order to address this issue, the first Ming emperor, Hongwu Emperor, relocated up to 3 million people, primarily to the underpopulated northern regions. These settlers mainly originated from Shanxi, which had been less affected by the wars. In the south, the Hongwu Emperor also encouraged people from the coastal regions of Fujian and Zhejiang to move inland.[20] Additionally, there was independent migration to the western borderlands of Henan, from the lowlands of Jiangxi to its mountainous areas, and from Jiangxi to Huguang. Settling in these originally sparsely populated regions also had the benefit of lower taxes, as tax quotas for these areas remained low for an extended period of time, regardless of population growth.[21]

According to calculations by American historian and sociologist Gilbert Rozman, at the start of the 16th century, approximately 6.5% of China's population of 130 million resided in cities.[22] The two most populous cities were the capital cities of Beijing and Nanjing, as well as Suzhou, which served as the economic hub of the Ming dynasty. During this time, Beijing had a population of nearly 1 million, Nanjing had over 1 million, and Suzhou had less than 650,000.[3] Other significant economic centers in the country included Hangzhou and Foshan.[23]

Agriculture

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Climate

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In pre-industrial societies, agriculture served as the foundation and mainstay of the economy, upon which crafts and trade relied. The production of crops and livestock was greatly influenced by weather patterns and, over time, the effects of climate change.[24] Additionally, natural disasters such as droughts, floods, and epidemics had a significant impact on the overall functioning of the economy.

The Ming period was generally drier than the preceding Yuan era. Winters were cold from 1350 to 1450, with warmer springs beginning around 1400.[25] On average, the temperature was one degree lower than in the second half of the 20th century. The most severe natural disasters during this time were floods in 1353–1354 in northern China, Zhejiang, and Guangxi, as well as in the 1420s in Shanxi.[26]

From 1450 to 1520, there was a drier period characterized by warm springs and winters, although winters did cool down after 1500.[26] Overall, the average temperature remained stable. However, the north experienced occasional droughts while the south was plagued by floods. The most severe droughts were recorded in 1452 (in Huguang) and 1504 (in northern China), while the worst floods occurred in 1482 (in Huguang). In 1484, the entire country was hit by an extraordinary drought, and the following years (1485–1487) saw perhaps the greatest disaster of the Ming era: epidemics in northern China and Jiangnan. The south also suffered from floods during 1477–1485.[27]

Between 1520 and 1570, the climate was cooler and wetter, with warmer winters towards the end. The average temperature was 0.5 degrees lower than the previous period. Droughts affected the Yangtze River basin, particularly in Zhejiang, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Hubei, where the worst drought of the Ming era occurred in 1528. The years 1568 and 1569 also saw extreme weather conditions, with both droughts and floods occurring.[27]

From 1570 to 1620, the climate was relatively warm, especially in winter, with an average temperature one degree higher than the previous period. However, the weather was generally drier, with occasional floods. The most significant disasters during this time were the floods in the north in 1585, followed by a major epidemic in 1586, a country-wide drought in 1589, and droughts in the second decade of the 17th century in Fujian and the north. The year 1613 saw major floods throughout the country.[27]

The period from 1620 to 1700 was characterized by colder temperatures and occasional wetter conditions. A drought in the 1630s in the north was followed by epidemics and floods from 1637 to 1641, and another drought in 1640–1641. Temperatures were a degree lower than the previous period, especially towards the end of the century.[27]

Village life

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Rice terraces in Guangxi

Thanks to the efforts of previous generations, Chinese agriculture had reached a relatively high level. The peasants had extensive knowledge and utilized various techniques such as vernalization, crop rotation, careful fertilization, and irrigation. They also had special methods for cultivating different types of soil and took into account the relationships between crops. In fact, they even grew different crops in the same field.[28] By 1400, artificial irrigation was widespread, covering 30% of cultivated land (equivalent to 7.5 million hectares out of a total of 24.7 million hectares).[29] During the Ming period, there was an increase in the planting of industrial crops, particularly cotton.[28] This led to the replacement of hemp clothing with cotton clothing.[30]

Farmers introduced new varieties of rice, with some varieties maturing in as little as 60 days and others in 50 days, allowing for multiple harvests per year. The original Chinese rice took 150 days to mature after being transplanted at 4-6 weeks of age, while the Champa rice imported in the early 11th century took 100 days.[22] The government had previously promoted crop rotation and the introduction of wheat as a second crop during the Song dynasty, but the practice of double rice harvests was slow to spread.[31]

In the 12th century, Chinese farmers were able to achieve impressive yields, harvesting ten times the amount of wheat and barley that was sown. This was even more impressive for rice. In comparison, medieval Europe only saw yields of about four times the amount sown, and it was not until the 18th century that Europeans were able to increase this ratio.[22] Despite their success, Chinese farmers continued to use simple and primitive tools. This was due to the low cost and availability of labor, which reduced the need for technological advancements.[28]

Rice, which had been the staple food for the poor since the Song dynasty (960–1279),[32] was gradually joined by the American sweet potato, which was introduced to China around 1560.[33] The Columbian exchange also brought other crops from the Americas, such as corn, potatoes, and peanuts, which led to an increase in the amount of cultivated land. This was especially beneficial for land that was unsuitable for traditional Chinese crops.[22] The new crops, along with wheat, rice, and millet, were able to provide food for the growing population of China.[34][35] The weight of rice in the diet of the population slowly declined and was still around 70% at the beginning of the 17th century. It was not until later centuries that American crops became more widespread.[b]

Early period

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The first Ming emperor, Hongwu Emperor, aimed to create a Confucian-based economy that prioritized agriculture as the main source of wealth.[37] He envisioned a society where peasants lived in self-sufficient communities and had minimal interaction with the government, aside from paying taxes. To achieve this, the emperor implemented various measures to support the peasants.[38] The late Ming official Zhang Tao reflected on the early Ming period with assurance in the emperor's accomplishments:

Every family was self-sufficient, with a house to live in, land to cultivate, hill from which to cut firewoods, and gardens in which to grow vegetables. Taxes were collected without harassment and bandits did not appear. Marriages were arranged at the proper times and the villages were secure. Women spun and wove and men tended the crops. Servants were obedient and hardworking, neighbors cordial and friendly.

— Zhang Tao, Gazetteer of Sheh County, 1609[39]

During the wars that established the Ming dynasty, there was a significant expansion of state ownership of land. This was achieved through the confiscation of land from opponents of the new dynasty, as well as the return of state-owned lands from the previous Yuan and Song dynasties.[37] Additionally, the Ming government also confiscated the vast land holdings of Buddhist and Taoist monasteries. To regulate the power of these religious institutions, the Ming government imposed a limit of one monastery per county, with a maximum of two monks per monastery. Redundant offices were also abolished, and hundreds of thousands of monks were forced to return to secular life.[40] Overall, the state owned two-thirds of cultivated land,[41] with private land being more prevalent in the south and state-owned land in the north.[37]

During the wars, those who abandoned their estates were not entitled to have them returned. Instead, they were given replacement lands, but only if they intended to work on them themselves.[42] Those who occupied more land than they could cultivate were punished with flogging and had their land confiscated. The restrictions on large landowners also applied to the new Ming dignitaries, ministers, officials, and even members of the imperial family.[43] They were only allowed to receive income in the form of rice and silk, rather than being granted land.[40]

Hand planting rice, Yunnan Province, 2007. Hand planting of pre-grown seedlings has been typical for rice cultivation for thousands of years.

Most state land was divided into plots and given to peasants for permanent use.[37] In the north, peasants were allocated 15 mu per field and two per garden, while in the south, the allocation was 16 mu for peasants and 50 mu for soldier-peasants.[40] (During the Ming era, 10 mu was equal to 0.58 hectares.) Peasants who farmed state land were allowed to pass it on to their descendants, but were not permitted to sell it. Essentially, the Tang system of equal fields was restored.[41]

The government created lists of residents and their property, known as the Yellow Registers, for tax purposes. Land ownership was recorded in the Fish-Scale Map Registers.[37] On state-owned land, peasants had higher duties compared to private land, and they also paid high rents to landowners.[44]

In order to revive the country's economy after years of war, the government provided support for agricultural production through various means. This included investing in infrastructure, restoring dams and canals, and reducing taxes.[45] The government also organized resettlement from the densely populated south to the devastated northern provinces, initially through involuntary means. However, later on, the government stopped the forced relocation of people.[46] Settlers were not only given land, but also received planting materials and equipment, including draft animals.[45] Farmers on newly cultivated land were given tax breaks. In borderlands and strategically important areas, villages of soldier-peasants were established. These villages were responsible for supplying the army with food and were also required to serve in the military in times of war.[37]

Privatization and concentration of assets

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The Hongwu Emperor's idea of a countryside made up of small farmers paying state taxes was never fully realized. As time passed, many peasants lost their land to powerful and wealthy landlords, who then charged them rent. Meanwhile, the peasants were still required to pay taxes at the original amount.[44] This was due to the fact that many powerful individuals were exempt from paying taxes on their land, and the property of officials and members of the dynasty was also not included in tax rolls. As a result, the government had to find other ways to generate income. This often involved providing relief, such as tax exemptions for newly cultivated fields or previously uncultivated land in areas like wastelands, swamps, and salt mines.[44]

Small farmers were struggling to support themselves and were losing their land to moneylenders and landlords. State-owned land was also being sold, but due to the illegal nature of the sales, it was being sold at a significantly lower price.[47] These sales were often manipulated by village elders and lower-ranking officials, who had the ability to alter official records and registers.[48] As a result of mass resettlement and the population's efforts to avoid heavy taxes, there was a growing number of homeless individuals searching for land to rent or any type of work, as well as artisans and traveling merchants.[49] During the middle Ming period, the government abandoned their attempts to return these wandering individuals to their home villages and instead ordered local authorities to register and tax them in the place where they currently resided.[50] This ultimately led to the reestablishment of wealthy landowners and merchants dominating over tenants, servants, and temporary migrant workers, which was a far cry from the ideal of the Hongwu Emperor—a strict adherence to a stable hierarchy of the "four occupations" (in descending order): officials, peasants, artisans, and merchants.[51]

Those who went out as merchants became numerous, and the ownership of land was no longer esteemed. As men matched wits using their assets, fortunes rose and fell unpredictably. The capable succeeded, the dull-witted were destroyed; the family to the west enriched itself while the family to the east was impoverished. The balance between the mighty and the lowly was lost as both competed for trivial amounts, each exploiting the other and everyone publicizing himself.

— Zhang Tao, Gazetteer of Sheh County, 1609[52]

By the end of the 15th century, the wealth and political influence of large landowners had grown disproportionately, while the lives of small farmers became increasingly difficult.[28] Both state-owned and private land that had previously been used by small farmers now belonged to the wealthy. This new wealthy class consisted of members of noble families, officials, high-ranking officers, wealthy merchants, burghers, and administrators of large feudal estates; some individual estates were even as large as half a district.[53]

Separating grain from chaff using a mechanical winnowing machine. Illustration from the encyclopedia Tiangong Kaiwu, 1637.

Some successful farmers emerged from the originally homogenous peasant farms, while others fell into poverty and had their land acquired by their wealthier neighbors, who were also involved in local government, or by creditors.[53] Contemporary sources described the state of the countryside with the following words:

There were only a few who actually managed the village, but there were many who took bribes.

— [53]

Land privatization was most prevalent in the economically developed provinces of Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Guangdong, Hunan, and Hubei.[53] In the borderlands, military commanders and other influential individuals acquired land from military settlements. While officials expressed concerns about dishonest means of land transfer, they themselves were part of the wealthy landowner class and only offered rhetorical condemnation of these processes. As a result, former peasants who became tenants continued to bear fees and obligations to the state. The main beneficiaries of land acquisition were members of the imperial family, relatives of the emperor in the female line, and eunuchs, who seized both state and private lands with the consent of the throne on a large scale. Starting in 1456, emperors also began to establish their own personal estates from state lands, with the number reaching three hundred by the end of the Ming dynasty. Five of these estates, located in the capital area, encompassed over a million mu of land. In the late 15th century, princes and other members of the imperial family also began to build large estates, with those closest to the emperors amounting to millions of mu. Meritorious dignitaries were also granted land by the emperor, typically in the range of tens and hundreds of thousands of mu. These grants often included peasants who still held land from the state, as well as private owners who were converted into tenants.[54]

In the southern provinces by the end of the 16th century, most of the original state land had been transferred to private ownership, with the exception of a small amount reserved for schools.[55] Unlike in the north, where small farmers were often violently evicted and had their property confiscated, the transition to tenancy in the south was less brutal.[56]

Large estates were typically divided into smaller plots and rented out to individual families, with the landlords relying on the rent for their income and showing little concern for the well-being of the peasants or the productivity of their labor. As a result, there was little incentive to improve technology or hire wage labor, as the landlords could simply rely on the forced labor of their tenants. This made the estates a conservative force in society.[54]

The lords collected payments from their tenants, but they were often exempt from taxes. This resulted in a decrease in state revenues, which was addressed by shifting the tax burden onto the rest of the population. This shift in taxes, along with the subservience to new lords, had negative effects on wealthy peasants and landowners who still held onto their land and implemented more efficient farming methods. As a result, the process of "feudalization" hindered modernization in the countryside.[54]

An example of an active small landowner who was also a tenant, devoting unceasing attention to soil improvement through fertilizers, was Zhang Lüxiang, author of Bu Nongshu (Supplement to the Agricultural Manual, 1658). This work expanded upon the writings of his relative, Shenshi Nongshu (Master Shen's Agricultural Manual).[57]

The main labor force consisted of tenant farmers and free peasants, with less reliance on wage labor. However, these farms were primarily focused on producing goods for the market, such as vegetables, fruits, flowers, industrial crops, cotton, tobacco, lacto-bearing trees, and fish.[54]

Tax increases, peasant escapes and uprisings

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The colonies of soldier-peasants were on the verge of disappearing, leading to a significant decrease in the state treasury's income from military settlements. Originally, these settlements contributed almost two-thirds of the state's income from agriculture, but now it had fallen to only one-tenth of its original size. This decline also resulted in the disintegration of the small peasant class who directly paid taxes to the state. Instead, they were replaced by dependents of large landowners. These tenants were no longer direct taxpayers, but rather fulfilled tax obligations for their lords. They paid rent amounting to half of their harvest, and also had to fulfill various customary labor obligations.[58]

With the dwindling number of peasant taxpayers and the increasing number of people relying on the state treasury, the Ming authorities faced a shortage of revenue. Even attempts to raise additional revenue, such as the sale of Buddhist temple lands, were not enough.[56] The emperors' efforts to increase revenue were also met with resistance from within the state apparatus. During the Wanli era (1573–1620), eunuchs who were responsible for collecting fees and taxes faced opposition from local officials, sometimes resulting in imprisonment or even death.[59]

Merchants were able to evade various additional charges and fees by shifting markets and trade routes. As a result, the only option left was to increase taxes on farmers, causing the taxes on private land to reach the same level as those on state land. This naturally led to discontent among the population.[56]

Peasants who lost their land, especially in the northern and central provinces, fled to the mountains and became bandits. Large-scale uprisings also occurred, such as the peasant revolt that began in 1507 in the provinces of Hubei and Hunan and lasted until 1512. In 1513, an uprising broke out in Jiangxi Province, with rebel detachments reaching tens of thousands of fighters and spreading into the provinces of Zhejiang and Fujian. Prolonged unrest also affected the provinces of Sichuan and Shandong. These peasant movements were typically spontaneous and disorganized, lacking clear goals or slogans. The peasants' struggle was against oppression by local authorities, landlords, and moneylenders, and was sometimes supported by miners, soldiers, and urban poor. These movements were often led by educated but unsuccessful members of the middle class.[56]

Revolts were most common in Shaanxi, Gansu, Shandong, and parts of Henan provinces. In southwestern China, the Miao and Yao ethnic groups also resisted the Ming regime for many years. Despite occasional concessions, such as tax reductions and amnesties, the tide of peasant unrest continued to rise.[56] Eventually, in 1644, Li Zicheng's rebel army overthrew the government in northern China and captured Beijing.

Crafts and industry

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Initial period—state organization of production

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The urban artisans were closely monitored by the state and were required to be registered on lists, making it difficult for them to move without the authorities' knowledge. This also made them easily accessible to officials who enforced their obligations to the state.[60] Some industries, such as porcelain factories, were nationalized, and the state held a monopoly on the mining and processing of salt and ores, leading to high prices for these metals.[61] In addition to paying taxes, artisans were also required to fulfill a work obligation, which could be extremely burdensome if it had to be performed away from home.[44] Although this work obligation was gradually replaced by monetary payments, it was not completely eliminated by the end of the dynasty.[62]

Along with the rise of new crafts, new guilds also emerged, while existing ones became more specialized and divided.[60] By the end of the Ming dynasty, there were approximately 100 guilds in county towns and cities of similar size.[63] However, the process of separating trade from crafts was a slow one and continued until the 20th century. Each production operation had its own separate guild, and semi-finished products were passed between them through merchants. This division of production stages had a negative impact on the overall development of the industry.[60] One of the weaknesses of Chinese guilds was their limited political influence, as they were under the control of the authorities and only had power over their own members. As the domestic market expanded and supraregional relations grew, the importance of guilds declined. In response, merchants formed their own territorial organizations known as huiguan.[62]

Development of private entrepreneurship

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In the 14th century, production began to spread out to households. This method of organizing production was most common in silk and cotton industries in the provinces of Jiangsu and Zhejiang. For example, in the Puyuan area of Zhejiang, the market was dominated by four merchant associations. These associations rented out looms to weavers in both urban and suburban areas, provided them with raw materials, and purchased their finished products. By the 16th century, some towns and villages along the lower Yangtze River were primarily inhabited by spinners and weavers, with agriculture playing a secondary role. The relationship between small producers and merchants varied, ranging from simple buying and selling to renting out workshops and equipment, and even dispersed manufacturing.[64] Silk production was divided into four distinct sectors: mulberry cultivation for leaves, silkworm breeding, raw silk spinning, and silk fabric weaving. The market played a crucial role in regulating supply and demand.[65]

In the silk industry of Suzhou, Nanjing, and Hangzhou, privately owned workshops with hired workers emerged. Some were small, but others employed several hundred workers, and division of labor was a common feature in the production process. However, these large enterprises were later targeted by a law enacted by the Shunzhi Emperor (r. 1644–1661) of the Qing dynasty, which prohibited workshops from having more than one hundred machines.[64] In Zhejiang, there were hundreds of dyeing workshops with hired workers, while in Jingdezhen, wealthy merchants commonly owned several kilns for the production of porcelain (in total, there were 200–300 kilns in the city by the end of the 17th century, each manned by about ten workers).

The country's most developed industries were silk weaving, cotton weaving, dyeing, ceramics and porcelain production, and paper and printing. Former silk weaving centers in the interior like Chengdu losing their significance to cities like Nanjing, Suzhou, and Hangzhou.[3] The manufacturing industry also saw significant growth, with the establishment of sugar factories, tea and tobacco processing workshops, and oil pressing facilities. Additionally, there was a boom in the construction industry during the 15th century, with extensive building projects taking place in Beijing and Nanjing. This included the completion and restoration of the Great Wall and other fortresses.[60]

Mining and processing of mineral resources have expanded, accompanied by technical improvements. For example, in coal mining in Hebei, Jiangsu, and Shanxi, a drainage system was implemented and gas was removed from shafts using bamboo pipes. Additionally, miners developed complex lifting mechanisms to extract ores from mines. In smelting, a combination of hard coal and charcoal was utilized.[60]

Iron production surpassed all previous records, with an annual output of 195,000 tons. This exceeded the output of its Song predecessors (125,000 tons per year) and even surpassed the 180,000 tons per year produced in 18th-century Europe, more than a century later. The production of iron was taxed at 1/15th of its total output. The iron products from Guangdong, including farming tools, pots, anchors, cables, sheet metal, wire, and nails, were in high demand and exported throughout Southeast Asia. However, the abundance of highly skilled and inexpensive labor in China also reduced the pressure for technological advancements in this industry.[60]

Notes

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  1. ^ Ho Ping-ti in Studies on the Population of China (1959) estimated the population to be over 65 million.[9] Timothy Brook in The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and Culture in Ming China (1998) estimated it to be 75 million.[10][11] Martin Heijdra, in The Cambridge History of China. Volume 8 (1998), estimated it to be 85 million.[12]
  2. ^ The share of crops of American origin in total food production increased to 20% by 1937, while the weight of rice decreased to 37%.[36]

References

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Citations

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  1. ^ Liow Boon Chuang. "A Weak or Strong China: Which Is Better for the Asia Pacific Region?". Singapore: Ministry of Defence of Singapore. Archived from the original on 23 December 2005.
  2. ^ Maddison (2006), p. 641.
  3. ^ a b c d e Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 142.
  4. ^ a b Heijdra (1998), p. 419.
  5. ^ Spence (1999), p. 14.
  6. ^ Fairbank (1998), pp. 17, 21, 30.
  7. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 420.
  8. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 421.
  9. ^ Ho (1959), pp. 22, 259.
  10. ^ Brook (1998), p. 28.
  11. ^ Liščák (2003), pp. 307–308, Mingská Čína.
  12. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 437.
  13. ^ a b Brook (1998), p. 162.
  14. ^ Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 128.
  15. ^ Ebrey (1999), p. 195.
  16. ^ Mote (2003), pp. 744–745.
  17. ^ Marks, Robert B (2002). "China's Population Size During the Ming and Qing: A Comment On The Mote Revision" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 December 2008. Retrieved 18 May 2010.
  18. ^ Rybakov (2000), pp. 268–301.
  19. ^ Heijdra (1998), pp. 435–437.
  20. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 433.
  21. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 434.
  22. ^ a b c d Maddison (1998), p. 35.
  23. ^ Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 146.
  24. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 422.
  25. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 425.
  26. ^ a b Heijdra (1998), p. 426.
  27. ^ a b c d Heijdra (1998), p. 427.
  28. ^ a b c d Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 137.
  29. ^ Maddison (1998), p. 34.
  30. ^ Maddison (1998), p. 37.
  31. ^ Maddison (1998), p. 36.
  32. ^ Gernet (1962), p. 136.
  33. ^ Crosby (2003), p. 200.
  34. ^ Ebrey (1999), p. 211.
  35. ^ Crosby (2003), pp. 198–201.
  36. ^ Crosby (2003), p. 201.
  37. ^ a b c d e f Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 130.
  38. ^ Brook (1998), p. 19.
  39. ^ Brook (1998), p. 17.
  40. ^ a b c Li (2010), p. 30.
  41. ^ a b Nefedov (2008), p. 675.
  42. ^ Li (2010), p. 28.
  43. ^ Li (2010), p. 29.
  44. ^ a b c d Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 131.
  45. ^ a b Nefedov (2008), p. 676.
  46. ^ Brook (1998), p. 29.
  47. ^ Nefedov (2008), p. 681.
  48. ^ Nefedov (2008), p. 682.
  49. ^ Brook (1998), pp. 28–29, 97–99.
  50. ^ Brook (1998), p. 97.
  51. ^ Brook (1998), p. 72, 146, 154.
  52. ^ Brook (1998), p. 1–2, 86.
  53. ^ a b c d Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 138.
  54. ^ a b c d Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 139.
  55. ^ Huang (1998), p. 130.
  56. ^ a b c d e Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 141.
  57. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 544.
  58. ^ Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 140.
  59. ^ Huang (1988), p. 531.
  60. ^ a b c d e f Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 143.
  61. ^ Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 132.
  62. ^ a b Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 144.
  63. ^ Heijdra (1998), p. 511.
  64. ^ a b Jurjev & Simonovskaja (1974), p. 145.
  65. ^ Li (2010), p. 65.

Works cited

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