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Homosexuality among Slave Elites in Ottoman Turkey - Stephen O. Murray:

This is a chapter from the book “Islamic Homosexualities: Culture, History and Literature” by Will Roscoe and Stephen Murray. In this chapter Murray finds the connections between slavery and homosexuality in Turkey. The male slaves were chosen based on their body perfection and intellectual ability, criterias that are likely to be based on sexual attraction. The slave trade with Turkey was so profitable that some parents groomed their children for sexual service to the rulers before selling them, to make sure they would succeed.

The chapter proceeds with the highlight of homosexuality importance in the Ottoman Empire. More recent sources (look them up!!) show that homosexuality increased one’s masculinity: the favorite boys married their masters’ daughters and took over businesses and properties. Within the state structure, this is defined as homosexual favoritism that could be resented. Because of this favoritism, trying to erase same-sex sexual relations became extremly difficult, especially in the military-training academies.

Murray also makes use of western sources, analysing their closeness towards homosexuality and comparing it with Ottoman’s openness.

Other Sources:

Homosexuality in the Ottoman Empire, Stephen O. Murray

Stephen O. Murray, "Corporealizing Medieval Persian and Turkish Tropes," pp. 132-141 in Islamic Homosexualities.

The Use of Media in Promoting Sexual Minority Rights in Turkey by Fait Muedini.

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LGBT history in Turkey

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An illustration from the 19th Century book Sawaqub al-Manaquib depicting homosexual anal sex with a wine boy. Titled at source as "Spilling the wine".

This article is about lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) history in Turkey.

Contents

• 1 Ottoman Empire
• 2 Timeline
  • 2.1 19th century
  • 2.2 20th century
  • 2.3 20th century
  • 2.4 21st century
• 3 See also
• 4 Bibliography
• 5 References

Ottoman Empire

Homosexuality in the Ottoman Empire (Turkish miniature from 1773)

The Ottoman Empire had acquired a stereotype by westerners of being a land where pederasty was common. Halet Efendi, during his stay in Paris during 1803–1806, expressed discomfort at this image of the Turks. After being shown the Palais-Royal marketplace at night, he disputed this stereotype by observing that, during the night visit, there were "1500 boys exclusively occupied in sodomy" whose availability and prices were being advertised on printed cards, all of which was far more blatant in Paris than anywhere in Ottoman lands. Despite the western opinion, the trade was very profitable, so the families started training their sons in order to be successful when sold to the new masters. The favorite ones were given in marriage to the masters' daughters, giving the opportunity to the slaves to own their own properties and businesses. There also existed a stereotype, with little evidence, that lesbianism was widespread within the harems of high-ranking Ottoman authorities. Same-sex relationships between women were considered a consequence of "deprivation" of heteroseuxal contact. As a consequence, some Turkish men forbid their wives to go to women's bathhouses because of their reputation.

After the Tanzimat reform period, there were no longer any explicit laws criminalizing homosexuality from 1858.

Republic of Turkey

After the creation of the Republic of Turkey, the life of the members of the LGBT community drastically changed.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Under the presidency of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, homosexuality still went unnoticed. It is unclear whether Atatürk was open or against it, but many believe that he would have accepted it because of his desire to open Turkey to modernity and his controversies on his religious beliefs. There are also rumors about his own sexuality, however there aren’t enough sources proving it. Some of his biographiers wrote about his bisexuality, but its discussion is still a taboo. Under his mandate, Turkish queer groups started their fight for legal equality since in 1923 Turkey started a process of "Europeanization" that aimed to intake their values and norms. Before the process started, Instabul was considered a city of "sexual freedom". With the western influence, the discrimination against the queer community increased rapidly.

After Atatürk, the Turkish persisted in the process of "Europeanization" of the country, and until the 1960s homosexuality was ignored. The situation changed with the election of the Republican People's Party (CHP) in 1974, in coalition with the National Salvation Party (MSP). The MSP controlled the Interior Ministry, making queers the target of repressive policies. The attacks against the community became more frequent and violent. The members of the LGBTQ+ community kept on fighting for their rights and, to protect themselves, attempted to create their own political identity. With the military coup d'ètat on September 12, 1980, their effort came to an end.

The 1980s

With the establishment of the military regime, political parties were banned and the freedom of demonstration, association, speech, and the press were censored. The authorities initiaded a campaign of mass persecution against the members of the community and trans sex workers were "deported" from the city centers to the outskirts of the city, and arrested from their places of work or in their apartments. The arrested were imprisoned with the political prisoners and had to face phsycological and physical torture. In the 1980s, the Radical Democatic Green Party openly declared to be against police brutality and expressed their support in favor of gay rights and the transgender community assaulted by the authorities.

The first legal ban occured on March 19, 1981, when the Interior Ministry prohibited Drag Queens from performing on nightclub stages. Bülent Ersoy attempted to circumvent the ban by undergoing sex reassignment surgery in London. The goal was to be legally recognized as a woman and not as a transvestite, however the Turkish government refused to recognize the transition and kept treating her as a "man in drag". On June 13, 1981, the Istanbul governor stopped Ersoy from performing, because she was wearing a woman's outfit and, according to the law, she was a man. Ersoy's ban was lifted on January 7, 1988, under Turgut Özal's government. In the same year, the Article 29 of the Turkish Civil Code was modified, allowing transgender persons to change their gender in the civil status register after gender confirmation surgery.

Ersoy was not the only one fighting for her rights. As a response to the situation they were living in, the entire trans community started organizing protests in Istambul, Izmir and Ankara with the support of feminist and human rights organizations and influenced by the Stonewall Riots. In Ankara was founded the first queer organization, however it failed, while in Izmir, Ibrahim Eren opted to organize individual and group discussion in his house.

In 1987, the members of the LGBTQ+ community attempted to form a political party, the Radical Democratic Green Party, which brought homosexuality under the spotlight. This led to public discussions and engagement with it, and the other political parties were forced to clarify their positions in relation to homosexuality. Out of all the parties, only the Social Democratic Populist Party did not explicitly express themselves, however they weren't supportive of a law specifically written to protect the LGBTQ+ community.

Because of the increasing violent actions from the police, on April 29, 1987, trans persons, lesbians, and gay men initiated a ten-day hunger strike in Gezi Park by Taksim Square. The strike started in a house in Taksim and was moved to Gezi Park the next day until it was dispersed by the police. However, the protest continued in different houses for weeks, and managed to get support from the Radical Democratic Green Party and some famous artists and intellectuals. This hunger strike is considered to be the first large-scale LGBTQ+ protest before the 1990s, and a tuning point in the contemporary queer movement.

The 1990s

The 1990s were characterized by efforts on specific topics that would condition the political agenda of the queer movement. With the support of of European queer organizations, queer activists were able to found and organize the first lasting associations. In 1993, supported by the collaboration with the German initiative Schwule International, the Turkish queer activist organized their first Pride. The governor of Istanbul banned the event, but in doing so the discrimination that the LGBTQ+ community faces in Turkey was brought in their annual progress report written by the Commission for Human Rights of the European Parliament. Following the ban, queer activist founded LambdaIstanbul, and in 1994 it became part of the Internationa Lesbian and Gay Association. At the same time, in Ankara KaosGL was founded and, together with LambdaIstanbul, they got support from Turkish non-governmental organizations.

During the second half of the 1990s, the members of the LGBTQ+ community started differentiating among themselves, in order to feel adequately represented within the community. New separated associations were founded, such as LEGATO. However, they kept organizing joint actions, and from 1998 until 2004, they organized celebrations twice a year both in Istambul and Ankara.

In 1996, since the Second United Nations Conference on Human Settlements was taking place in Istanbul, the authorities carried out "cleansing operations" in central parts of Istambul in order to free the streets from trans and other sex workers, street vendors, homeless people and drug users. The aim was to present Istanbul as a city inhabited by middle-class Turkish citizens. Despite the numerous protests, the police violence did not stop, but they managed to draw attention to the affected communities.

The following year, in 1997, Lambda became the first Turkish LGBTQ+ NGO to be invited by the government to a government conference, namely the National Congress on AIDS. The same year, Hamam, a Turkish film featuring a gay romance, was released internationally and broadcasted on state television.

In 1999, the Left Party banned discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity within their party. Demet Demir became the first transgender candidate to run for political office in Turkish history.

The 2000s

Following Turkey's recognition as a candidate for joining the European Union, Ankara passed a series of "harmonization packages" in order to meet international expectations of improving the conditions for minorities and for civil society in general. The changes proposed had an immediate and positive effect on the queer movement: it grew considerably, gained more visibility, and it established solidarity with other social movements.

In 2002, the parliamentary elections saw the Justice and Development Party (AKP) taking power for the first time. They declared their desire to guarantee the rights to all the population, including the members of the LGBTQ+ community. The same year, the Turkish Civil Code changed its regulations regarding the sex change: to transition, the court's permission was needed. In order to do so, the applicant had to provide a report from a hospital stating the "transsexual nature", pathologizing transsexuality. Moreover, the sex reassignment surgery could only happen after the mandatory sterilization of the applicant.

The following year, in 2003, Istanbul hosted the first pride and, in 2004, the Turkish Parliament approved the Law on Associations. Contrarily to the previous Associations Law, from 1983, all associations were able to be created with less bureaucracy and were less controlled by the government. Between 2005 and 2006, KaosGL and LamdaIstanbul were recognized as official. However, despite the increasing recognition of the LGBTQ+ community, in 2006 AKP took legal action against LambdaIstanbul: according to the governor of Istanbul, the association was violating the Law on Associations and the public morals, making it a threat for the Turkish family structures. Eventually, the judgment was reversed in favor of the association.

Since 2007, the conflicts between the AKP and queers became more frequent and heated. To respond to the impact of AKP's discriminatory policies, several queer associations created a coalition under the name Platform for LGBTI Rights (LGBTT Hakları Platformu). In 2008, they demanded the addition of "sexual orientation and sexual identity" to the Article 10 of the Turkish Constitution, which stipulates that "everyone is equal before the law".

In 2008, Ahmet Yildiz was killed by his father in Istanbul. His murder has been referred to as the first gay honor killing in Turkey, and his body remained unclaimed by his family. The same year, Ankara hosted the first pride.

In 2009, Halil İbrahim Dinçdağ was suspended by the Turkish Football Federation after he was outed as gay. He was also disavowed by friends and family. In 2015, the Federation was ordered to pay compensation to Dinçdağ as a result of his lawsuit.

The 2010s

The first years of the new decade were characterized by a wave of demonstrations. During the Gezi protests in 2013, the members of the LGBTQ+ community played a major role. They created a LGBTQ+ section that organized protests, discussions and rallies, culminating in a demonstration that brought around 100,000 people to protest against AKP. The same year, Ankara hosted its first pride.

During the protests new queer organizations were created, allowing them to participate more actively in the political life and to create larger networks with national and international organizations. Queer groups were founded even within some political parties, such as the People's Democratic Party and the Peace and Democracy Party. Moreover, a new polyclinic for queers and sex workers was established in Istanbul.

Under AKP's rule, state repression became more intense. In 2014 the pride march counted more than 100,000 participants, making it one of the biggest pride marches in Southeastern Europe, and politicians of the main opposition parties, CHP and BDP, lent their support to the demonstration. As a consequence, the following year, Turkish authorities stopped and the annual pride parade in Istanbul through violence, making use of tear gas, rubber bullets and water cannons against the marchers.

The following years, the authorities continued banning Istanbul Pride and, in 2017, the Ankara Governor's Office banned the German embassy's LGBT Film Festival. A couple of months later, on November 17, they also banned all the films, exhibitions and events related to LGBTQ+, because of "public sensitivities". On November 19, two days later, two LGBTQ+ organizations said they would launch a legal process against the decision.

In 2018, the Istanbul Pride parade was banned for the fourth year in a row. Despite the ban, the organizers chose to march anyway, but Turkish police clashed with the crowd, using plastic bullets and tear gas to break them apart. The authorities banned in Ankara the screening of the movie Pride, a 2014 comedy-drama with LGBTQ+ themes, claiming it put at risk public safety. The pride march was banned in Andana too, over "possible incitement of hatred and hostility" among people.

In 2019, the ban of the Pride Parade in Istanbul was renovated. The opposition Member of the Grand National Assembly Sezgin Tanrıkulu of the CHP lodged a parliamentary question to the Vice President of Turkey Fuat Oktay asking for an explanation. He also asked how many members of the LGBTQ+ community were killed in the last 17 years, the amount of time passed since AKP firstly won the elections. On June 29, hundreds of people chose to march despite the ban and were met with tear gas, pepper gas and plastic bullets from the police.