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Draft:Great Upheaval

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The Great Upheaval refers to a period in the history of Acadia extending from approximately 1749 or 1750 to the 1780s, and in some interpretations, as late as 1820.[1] Although often associated with the Deportation of the Acadians, the latter specifically occurred between 1755 and 1763 and represents only part of this broader period.[1]

After the British victory over France in 1713, some French colonists remained in Acadia. The British administration sought to anglicize the region, which was predominantly French-speaking and Catholic.[2] Beginning in 1749, around 2,000 English settlers arrived in Acadia,[3] then home to approximately 13,000 Acadians. The majority of Acadians refused to swear unconditional allegiance to the British crown. As a result, between 1755 and 1763, thousands were forcibly deported. Of the 13,000 Acadians in the region, nearly 8,000 were deported, with some seeking refuge in French-controlled Quebec. Approximately three-quarters of the Acadian population were displaced, and many perished during the deportation.[4][5]

Background

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The Acadians were descendants of French colonists who began settling in Acadia in 1604.[6] Due in part to limited oversight from France, they developed a distinct identity characterized by a degree of autonomy. The Acadians maintained generally cooperative relations with the Mi’kmaq, the Indigenous inhabitants of the region.[6] They practiced agriculture on reclaimed salt marshes using dykes known as aboiteaux, which contributed to their relative economic stability. In 1713, as a result of the Treaty of Utrecht, a portion of Acadia came under British control and was renamed Nova Scotia.[6]

Political context

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Uncertain borders

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The Mésagouèche River.

The French began constructing the Fortress of Louisbourg in 1720.[7]

Oath of allegiance

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Oath of allegiance signed by Pierre Belliveau in 1768.

The British authorities offered the Acadians a choice between relocating to French-controlled territory or swearing an unconditional oath of allegiance to the British Crown.[8] In 1715, the Acadians of Port-Royal signed a conditional oath, pledging neutrality in the event of conflict between Britain and France.[9] Starting in 1720, at the request of Governor Richard Philipps, Acadian deputies were elected to discuss the possibility of an unconditional oath, which they continued to refuse annually.[9] This refusal was tolerated by British officials at the time, as they lacked the military resources to enforce compliance.[8] A shift occurred under Governor Charles Lawrence, who adopted a more rigid, military-focused approach to the Acadian issue and rejected the conciliatory policies of his predecessors.[6]

French attempts to reclaim Acadia

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Beginning in 1744, France made attempts to reclaim Acadia.[8] Some Acadians, including Joseph Broussard, also known as Beausoleil, took part in these efforts, which contributed to undermining the Acadian policy of neutrality.[8]

Socio-economic context

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In 1755, the population of Acadia was approximately 14,000.[10] The Acadian population maintained a relatively stable standard of living.[11] According to contemporary accounts, such as that of John Winslow, they owned significant numbers of livestock, including 48,000 sheep, 43,000 cattle, 23,000 pigs, and 3,000 horses.[11]

Acadia in 1754.

The population was distributed as follows:

Most members of the Nova Scotia Council were recent arrivals from New England and coveted Acadian lands.[6] At the time, Boston merchants were reportedly surprised that “foreigners” were allowed to own such good land.[6]

Prelude

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Abbot Jean-Louis Le Loutre.
Governor Charles Lawrence.

According to some historians, the Great Upheaval began in 1749 with the founding of Halifax by the British,[1] intended to counterbalance the French stronghold at the Fortress of Louisbourg and to strengthen British presence in the region.[12] The British also brought German settlers to Halifax; when integration proved difficult, approximately 400 families were relocated to Mirliguèche, where they established Lunenburg.[13]

Other historians situate the beginning of the Great Upheaval in 1750, when Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre attempted to prevent the deportation of Acadians in the Isthmus of Chignecto by encouraging them to abandon the south bank of the Missaguash River.[13][1] Between April and August 1750, Le Loutre persuaded around 600 Acadians to move to Île Saint-Jean (now Prince Edward Island), and approximately 2,000 to Île Royale (now Cape Breton Island), while others relocated near Forts Beauséjour and Gaspareaux.[13] In response, Governor Edward Cornwallis of Nova Scotia dispatched Charles Lawrence with a force of 1,000 men aboard 17 ships. They arrived at Beaubassin on 12 September 1750 and constructed Fort Lawrence.[13] The French subsequently fortified their position at Beauséjour, transforming the site into a military fortification.[13] Le Loutre, with support from the Mi’kmaq, conducted several attacks against British forces.[14] Acadian migration to Île Royale continued, and by 1751, the population of Acadian refugees on the island had reached 2,220, raising concerns about food shortages.[13]

Following the limited success of Halifax's foundation and the continued refusal of the Acadians to swear an unconditional oath of allegiance, Governor Edward Cornwallis resigned in March 1752 and was succeeded by Peregrine Hopson,[15] who adopted a more conciliatory approach.[15] In October 1753, Hopson was replaced by Charles Lawrence.[15]

During the same period, Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre traveled to France, where, with the support of Abbé de L’Isle-Dieu, he met in March 1753 with Minister Antoine Louis Rouillé, who approved his plan to establish a “New Acadia” north of the Mésagouèche River.[15] Le Loutre began construction of a church in Beaubassin in 1753 and initiated new dyke projects (aboiteaux) in 1754.[15] The governors of Forts Beauséjour and Gaspareaux reported shortages in troops, arms, and fortifications,[16] and expressed concern that Le Loutre’s projects were diverting labor from military needs.[16] Despite these issues, Le Loutre requested reinforcements from Quebec.[16] His secretary, Thomas Pichon, was secretly an English informant.[16]

In a 1753 report, Engineer Charles Morris identified Indigenous groups as the primary obstacle to British colonization, alleging that the Acadians were supplying them.[16] Based on this assessment, Governor Lawrence secured British government approval in 1754 for a policy denying property rights to Acadians who refused to swear allegiance.[16] He also blocked the return of Acadian refugees.[16] The continued refusal of the Acadians to take the oath was, in Lawrence’s view, grounds for their removal.[16] The Boundary Commission, established to resolve territorial disputes, failed to reach an agreement.[16] One of its members, William Shirley, later became Governor of Massachusetts.[16] Concerned about French influence among the Abenaki, Shirley devised a plan for the gradual conquest of French Acadia, to proceed via the Kennebec River, Saint John River, and ultimately the Isthmus of Beaubassin, a plan later approved by London.[16] In October 1754, Jonathan Belcher was appointed Chief Justice of Nova Scotia, with the authority to be consulted directly by Governor Lawrence without the need for prior approval from London.[16]

Events in Canada and Europe

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Montcalm to the Plains of Abraham.
Parties involved in the Seven Years' War. In blue: United Kingdom and allies, in green: France and allies.

The Great Upheaval takes place in the context of the War of Conquest in Canada and the Seven Years’ War in Europe.[17][18][19]

Capture of Fort Beauséjour

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Robert Monckton.
Fort Beauséjour today.

In 1755, the British House of Commons approved funding for a military campaign against New France, and Governor William Shirley of Massachusetts raised a force of 2,000 volunteers.[20] These troops were transported aboard 33 ships from Boston under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Robert Monckton.[20] The expedition departed on May 22 and arrived near Fort Lawrence on June 2.[20] In response, Louis Du Pont Duchambon de Vergor, commander at Fort Beauséjour, requested reinforcements from various parts of New France. Only Charles Deschamps de Boishébert was able to mobilize a contingent of Abenaki allies.[20] Among the 700 military-age Acadians in the region, opinions were divided regarding participation in the conflict, and many sought refuge in nearby forests with their families.[20] Alexander Murray was assigned to disarm the Acadians in New Minas and to destroy transport equipment in order to isolate Fort Beauséjour.[20] On June 4, British forces crossed the Mésagouèche River, captured the Pont-à-Buot redoubt [fr] with little resistance, and established a camp approximately 2.4 kilometers from the fort.[20] Joseph Broussard and a group of Mi’kmaq captured a British soldier, gaining intelligence on the opposing forces.[20] On June 14, a British bombardment and the efforts of Thomas Pichon, who acted as an informant and attempted to secure a surrender, contributed to the decline in French morale.[20] Fort Beauséjour surrendered on June 17, 1755.[21] Among its defenders were approximately 270 Acadian militiamen, which led Governor Charles Lawrence to question Acadian neutrality.[6] Fort Gaspereaux capitulated shortly thereafter, without direct military engagement.[20]

Following the capture of Fort Beauséjour, many Acadians residing in the surrounding area fled to Île Saint-Jean or the Baie des Chaleurs.[20] Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre escaped through a secret route, traveled overland to Quebec, and then attempted to sail to France.[20] His ship was intercepted on September 15, and he was taken prisoner by the British.[20] Initially held in England, he was later transferred to Jersey, where he remained imprisoned until 1763.[20]

King Louis XV of France lodged a diplomatic protest against the British attack, which had occurred during peacetime,[20] and also criticized the colonial administration of New France for the inadequate defense of the isthmus forts.[20]

Deportation of the Acadians

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Preparations and logistics

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Representation of a meeting between the council and the Acadians, in the play Le Drame du peuple acadien [fr] by Jean-Baptiste Jégo [fr] (1930).

Charles Lawrence lacked the authority to deport the Acadians without justification.[22] With the support of Governor William Shirley of Massachusetts and the presence of British admirals Edward Boscawen and Savage Mostyn, Lawrence convened a final meeting with approximately 100 Acadian deputies in Halifax.[21] On July 25, 1755, 30 deputies from Annapolis Royal declared their loyalty but refused to sign an unconditional oath of allegiance.[22] That same day, Lawrence informed the Nova Scotia Council of his plan for deportation.[22] On July 28, deputies from Les Mines and Pigiguit submitted a petition similarly refusing the oath.[22] All Acadian deputies were imprisoned that day.[22] With unanimous approval from the Council and legal validation from Chief Justice Jonathan Belcher, Lawrence signed the deportation order on July 28, 1755.[21]

On July 31, Lawrence assigned Colonel Robert Monckton to oversee the deportation from the Isthmus of Chignecto, Colonel John Winslow from New Mines, Captain Alexander Murray from Pigiguit, and Major John Handfield from Annapolis Royal.[22]

Treatment of the Acadians

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The British implemented a scorched-earth policy during the deportation of the Acadians, destroying buildings and crops to prevent their return.[10][11] The plan was developed by Charles Morris, a New England immigrant, and involved surrounding churches on Sunday mornings to capture as many men as possible, breaching dikes, and burning homes and agricultural fields.[6] Acadian property was confiscated,[11] and numerous families were permanently separated.[14] Ships used for deportation were primarily leased from a New England company and modified for transporting large numbers of people.[23] Captains, who were compensated based on the number of deportees delivered, often overcrowded the vessels.[23] The poor conditions on board—overcrowding, inadequate food, darkness, and high humidity—led to high mortality rates, particularly as most ships lacked medical personnel.[23]

Resistance to deportation was met with threats against families.[6] In the autumn of 1755, approximately 1,100 Acadians were deported to South Carolina, Georgia, or Pennsylvania.[6] Governor Charles Lawrence instructed his officers to disregard any appeals from the deportees.[6]

View of the pillage and burning of the town of Grimrose, the only known contemporary depiction of the Deportation of the Acadians, by Thomas Davies, 1758.

Following the British capture of Louisbourg in 1758,[6] an additional 3,100 Acadians were deported, with 1,649 dying from drowning or disease—a mortality rate of 53%.[6] Between 1755 and 1763, about 10,000 Acadians were deported,[6][11] many to British colonies, France, or the Caribbean.[6] A significant number died from illness or starvation during transport.[6] As the Thirteen Colonies had not been notified in advance, some Acadians were subjected to further displacement upon arrival.[6]

British attacks and Acadian movements

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1755

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Following the capture of Fort Beauséjour, Robert Monckton dispatched approximately 1,500 troops to the Saint John River.[20] In response, Charles Deschamps de Boishébert, commanding around 30 men, destroyed Fort Ménagouèche before the British arrived and retreated with his forces and Abenaki allies.[20] The British troops subsequently withdrew, and Governor General Pierre de Rigaud de Vaudreuil instructed Boishébert to establish a refugee camp.[24]

In mid-August, at the request of local Acadians, Boishébert led a force of 120 men—comprising 90 French soldiers and 30 Indigenous allies[24]—to the Petitcodiac River. On September 2, he defeated British troops attempting to carry out deportations during the Battle of Petitcodiac, forcing them to retreat to Fort Cumberland.[24]

Boishébert later requested that supplies be sent to the Saint John River, but Vaudreuil instead directed the establishment of a camp at Cocagne, which was more accessible by sea.[24]

Meanwhile, John Winslow and his troops arrived at Grand-Pré in late August and fortified the church of Saint-Charles-des-Mines [fr].[25] On September 5, 418 Acadians from Les Mines were summoned to the church, where Winslow read the deportation order.[25] Five ships arrived on September 7, and the embarkation began on September 10.[25] Under military supervision, 230 Acadian men—initially the younger and then the married—were escorted to the ships at bayonet point.[25] Food shortages developed, and the ships initially available were insufficient for the approximately 2,000 Acadians in the area.[25] On October 8, Winslow embarked 80 families onto older ships provided by the Apthorp and Hancock Company.[25] Additional vessels arrived on October 11: seven at Les Mines and three at Pigiguit, where Alexander Murray oversaw the embarkation of approximately 1,100 Acadians.[25] At Grand-Pré, four remaining vessels could not accommodate the 1,510 remaining prisoners, resulting in 98 families (around 600 individuals) being left behind in the village.[25]

On October 27, 1755, fourteen ships carrying approximately 1,600 Acadians from Les Mines and 1,300 from Pigiguit joined a convoy of ten ships in French Bay, which were transporting 1,900 Acadians from Beaubassin.[25] The convoy was escorted by three British naval vessels: the Nightingale, Halifax, and Warren.[25]

The remaining 600 Acadians from Grand-Pré were deported by ship in December.[11] In total, between 6,000 and 7,000 Acadians were deported in 1755.[26]

1756

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At the beginning of 1756, approximately 3,000 Acadians remained in the region, either in Cape Sable or in hiding within the forests.[11] In April, Jebediah Preble led a British raid on Pobomcoup [fr]. The only known eyewitness, Jean-Baptiste de Guay Desenclave, escaped into the woods.

Livestock seized from the British at Beaubassin sustained many Acadian refugees through the winter of 1755–1756; however, the 1756 harvest was destroyed by strong winds, contributing to food shortages across New France.[24] In late summer 1756, a refugee settlement known as Camp d’Espérance began to take shape on Beaubears Island in the Miramichi region. The camp sheltered approximately 1,376 Acadian refugees, several hundred Mi’kmaq families, and many French soldiers.[24] A supply ship dispatched from Quebec was forced to return due to adverse winds,[24] and Île Saint-Jean, also experiencing shortages, was unable to assist.[24] As a result, famine affected the camp. After consuming all available beef, the refugees subsisted on cow hides and limited quantities of seal oil.[24] Infant mortality was total. Boishébert sent around 500 individuals capable of traveling to fish along the Pokemouche River, though 83 died en route.[24] Additional cow hides, donated by Jean Manach, provided temporary relief.[24] Several fishing expeditions were organized until ice conditions made travel impossible.[24] Eventually, a shipment of provisions arrived from Quebec.[24] According to estimates published in 2007, approximately 400 Acadians died during the winter. These figures are based on more recent research, as earlier accounts of refugee numbers and fatalities were often exaggerated.[24]

1757

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At the end of winter, 120 refugees from Miramichi went directly to Quebec, while the others remained in Acadia—in Caraquet, Miramichi, Shippagan, or Restigouche.[24]

1758

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The abandoned Fortress of Louisbourg in 1907.
Andrew Rollo.

On July 2, 1758, British generals James Wolfe and Jeffery Amherst began the siege of Louisbourg with a fleet of over 120 ships and 12,000 men.[17] The French, under Governor Augustin de Boschenry de Drucourt, had approximately 2,900 men and ten ships to defend the fortress. The garrison capitulated on July 26,[17] after which the soldiers were taken prisoner and sent to Great Britain, and the fortress was demolished.[17]

The articles of capitulation did not address the civilian populations of Île Royale (present-day Cape Breton Island) and Île Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island), both under the administrative authority of Louisbourg.[27] At the time, Île Saint-Jean was largely inhabited by Acadian refugees alongside French settlers who had arrived in the 1720s.[26] The deportation of civilians was assigned to Lieutenant Colonel Andrew Rollo on August 8.[27] He departed Louisbourg on August 10 with a fleet of four transport vessels—the Bristol (130 men), Catherine (90 men), Dunbar (140 men), and King of Prussia (140 men)—escorted by the warship Hind, under the command of Captain Robert Bond.[27] A few officers from Governor Drucourt’s staff accompanied the mission to inform the inhabitants of the terms of capitulation.[27] The ships carried provisions for three months and materials intended for the construction of a fort at Port-la-Joye.[27] The objective was to construct a fort, assemble the island’s population there, and then transfer both civilians and soldiers to Louisbourg.[27]

The fleet arrived at Port-la-Joye on August 17, where it intercepted a ship displaying a white flag.[28] Later that day, at 3 p.m., the Hind opened fire on the French fort, which capitulated the same day under Gabriel Rousseau de Villejouin [fr].[28]

Following the fall of Louisbourg in 1758, Brigadier General James Wolfe was tasked with attacking Acadian settlements in Gaspé, Miramichi, and surrounding areas.[24] He subsequently instructed Colonel James Murray to carry out operations along the Miramichi River.[24] Murray arrived on September 15 aboard the Juno, accompanied by the Aetna and six transport ships, commanding a force of approximately 800 men.[24] Due to adverse offshore winds that threatened to drive the fleet back to sea, Murray initiated a rapid operation.[24] With a detachment of 300 men, he destroyed the church at Esgenoôpetitj—a site later referred to as "Burnt Church"—along with the homes of the Mi’kmaq and Acadian inhabitants.[24] Due to reluctance among his captains to proceed toward Camp d’Espérance, the fleet departed on September 18, returning to Louisbourg.[24]

Later that year, Charles Deschamps de Boishébert returned to Quebec and was replaced as commander of Camp d’Espérance by Lieutenant Jean-François Bourdon de Dombourg.[24]

1759

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In the spring of 1759, Lieutenant Jean-François Bourdon de Dombourg relocated the Acadian refugee camp to Restigouche, where it was joined by families from both Camp d’Espérance and Île Saint-Jean.[24] However, a significant number of Acadian refugees appear to have remained at Camp d’Espérance.[24]

1760

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In 1759, following the fall of Quebec, the French colony requested reinforcements from France.[29] On April 19, 1760, six ships under the command of François Chenard de la Giraudais [fr] departed Bordeaux, carrying 400 men and military supplies.[29] Upon learning that a British fleet had entered the Saint Lawrence River, de la Giraudais sought refuge in the Restigouche River and ordered the construction of defensive batteries along the riverbanks.[29] The Battle of Restigouche took place from July 3 to July 8, 1760, resulting in a British victory.[29] With no further reinforcements available, Montreal surrendered to British forces under Jeffery Amherst on September 8. The French troops at Restigouche surrendered on October 23 and were subsequently repatriated to France.[29]

1761

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In 1761, the refugee camp at Restigouche was abandoned, and Acadian populations resettled in areas around the Baie des Chaleurs and Miramichi.[24] In October 1761, Captain Roderick MacKenzie, commander of Fort Cumberland, led a raid on these settlements.[24] Most of the Acadians were captured and detained as prisoners until 1764.[24]

Acadian resistance

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Contrary to popular belief, many Acadians actively resisted deportation during the mid-18th century.[30] Thousands sought refuge in regions such as Miramichi, Restigouche, and Quebec,[30] while others escaped from British forts.[30] Some joined French military forces or operated as privateers, and others attempted to disrupt British military operations.[30] In December 1755, 232 Acadian prisoners aboard the Pembroke [fr] staged a mutiny and reached the Saint John River, with most eventually arriving in Quebec.[30] After the capture of Fort Beauséjour on June 16, 1755,[31] several imprisoned Acadians escaped with assistance from their spouses, who smuggled weapons and disguises into the prison.

Among the most prominent figures in the resistance was Joseph Broussard, who led attacks against British forces.[6] Many Acadians fled into the forest and were pursued by British troops for several years.[6] Approximately 1,500 escaped to Canada, while others fled to Cape Breton Island or moved upriver along the Petitcodiac River.[6]

Support from the Maliseet and Mi’kmaq

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The Mi’kmaq intercepted British communications, providing intelligence that allowed leaders such as Abbé Le Loutre to become informed of British plans.[13]

Expulsions

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Several ships departing from Île Saint-Jean were shipwrecked, including the Duke William and the Violet [fr] in December 1758.[32] Thousands of Acadians were deported to the Thirteen Colonies, where anti-French sentiment was prevalent.[33] Acadians submitted numerous petitions to colonial authorities seeking to improve their living conditions.[33]

Thirteen colonies

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The Acadian House in Guilford, Connecticut.

Charles Lawrence had prepared a letter for the colonial governors regarding the arrival of Acadian deportees; however, several governors reportedly did not receive it and were unprepared for their arrival. The first convoy of Acadians,[34] which departed Baie Française on October 27, 1755, encountered a tropical storm off Cape Sable and landed in Boston on November 5.[34] Ships destined for South Carolina were considered overloaded, resulting in the disembarkation of many deportees.[34] In Massachusetts, approximately 2,000 Acadians were dispersed across the colony. Efforts were made to assimilate children by placing them with local families,[14][34] and disciplinary measures were reportedly strict.[14] Some men were subjected to forced slavery, and complaints of mistreatment increased.[34]

In Connecticut and New York, where 700 and 250 Acadians, respectively, were sent,[34] treatment was comparatively more favorable, though deportees were still dispersed.[34] In Pennsylvania, 500 Acadians arrived in Philadelphia on November 19, 1755, with additional groups arriving in December.[34] Many remained aboard ships near the port, where a smallpox outbreak caused significant mortality.[14] In Maryland, about 1,000 Acadians were received more favorably by local Catholic communities. They were allowed to work, construct housing, and established a settlement known as French Town.[34]

In Virginia, Governor Robert Dinwiddie initially isolated the Acadians, whom he considered potential internal threats, before arranging their deportation to England.[35][14]

England

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A map of Acadian deportations and migrations, on a monument.

The Acadians deported from Virginia were transported aboard vessels including the Virginia Packet, the Race Horse, and the Goodridge, two of which were shipwrecked.[35] The Virginia Packet arrived in Bristol in mid-June 1756 with 289 Acadian passengers.[35] Due to a lack of prior notification from Governor Robert Dinwiddie, British authorities were unprepared, and the deportees remained on the docks for three days before being relocated to dilapidated buildings.[35] By late June, additional groups of Acadians were disembarked at Penryn (250 individuals), Liverpool (336, housed in pottery workshops), and Southampton (340, housed in dockside barracks).[35] In total, over 1,200 Acadians were deported to England; approximately 800 survived.[35] A smallpox epidemic shortly after their arrival caused significant fatalities.[35] Despite adverse conditions, some births and marriages occurred during their internment.[35] The situation prompted a diplomatic protest from King Louis XV of France, while British medical officials denied allegations of mistreatment.[35] Although Acadians were officially prohibited from working, the rule was not consistently enforced. They received a daily allowance of six sous per adult and three sous per child—an amount exceeding the daily wage of a laborer at the time.[35] Britain subsequently requested reimbursement of these costs from France.[35] The Acadians remained detained until the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War in 1763,[33] primarily in locations such as Bristol, Falmouth, Liverpool, and Portsmouth.[36] Living conditions were generally poor, and outbreaks of disease, particularly smallpox, led to high mortality rates. In Bristol, half of the deportees reportedly died from the epidemic.[36] Before they departed for France, Felix Farley’s Bristol Journal noted that the Acadians had gained the respect of many residents due to their good conduct and work ethic.[36]

Beginning in 1762, the British government attempted to persuade the Acadians to swear allegiance to the Crown, which would have permitted them to reclaim their lands and livestock.[35] The offer was accepted by only 54 elderly men.[35]

Migrations

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Quebec

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Beginning in 1755, hundreds of Acadians sought refuge in Quebec.[37] The local population, already affected by the ongoing war, was limited in its capacity to provide support and, at times, blamed the Acadians for the 1757 smallpox epidemic.[37] By 1756, approximately 600 Acadian refugees were present in Quebec, increasing to 1,500 by 1758, with numbers continuing to rise after the Treaty of Paris.[37] Many eventually settled permanently in Canada, particularly in the Saint Lawrence Valley, as well as in the Magdalen Islands, the Gaspé Peninsula, and the Richelieu Valley.[37]

Louisiana

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Acadian concessions in Louisiana.

Louisiana, then under Spanish control, received its first Acadian settlers in 1763 following the Treaty of Paris.[38] They established communities in the southeastern region of the colony, an area later known as Acadiana.[38] Approximately 600 additional Acadians from Maryland and Pennsylvania arrived in the late 1760s.[38]

On March 24, 1772, Acadians residing in Saint-Malo requested permission to emigrate to Louisiana, citing dissatisfaction with settlement options in France; the request was denied.[39] In July of the same year, they sought authorization to settle in La Carolina, Andalusia, a planned Spanish colony promoted by King Charles III.[39] While some may intend to use this as a means to eventually reach Louisiana, the French government opposed the initiative.[39]

The largest migration to Louisiana occurred in 1785, when approximately 1,600 Acadians were transported from the port of Nantes.[38] Upon arrival, they were generally well received.[38] Their descendants became known as Cajuns.[38][40]

France

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Étienne-François de Choiseul.
Henri Léonard Jean Baptiste Bertin.

Advised by a man named Duplessis, a group of Acadians appealed to the Duke of Nivernais, the French ambassador in London.[35] French Minister Étienne François de Choiseul proposed resettling the Acadians in Guyana or Saint-Domingue, while the ambassador's representative, Sieur de la Rochette, suggested locations such as the Landes of Guyenne and Gascony, Brittany, and the Isle of Bouin.[35] These plans were based on misconceptions about Acadian identity, including assumptions regarding their attachment to France, dietary habits, and willingness to accept restrictions on movement and employment.[35]

Approximately 3,000 Acadians, primarily from Nova Scotia, were deported to France.[41] Many were resettled in Poitou, particularly in Châtellerault and along the so-called "Acadian Line" in the communes of Saint-Pierre-de-Maillé, Cenan, Archigny, and Bonneuil-Matours. Others were relocated to Brittany and Belle-Île-en-Mer.[41] Some later migrated to Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Louisiana, Cape Breton Island, Pomquet, or Quebec.[36] A number of Acadians were also sent to the Caribbean, where many died due to harsh climatic and sanitary conditions;[41] survivors often continued on to Louisiana[41] or returned to France.[41] While some eventually moved to South America or back to France, the majority established permanent settlements elsewhere.[41]

Efforts to resettle Acadian refugees in France involved proposals across twenty-one localities. Although the Duke of Nivernais had promised to establish them on French territory, Minister Étienne François de Choiseul pursued colonial resettlement initiatives, notably in Guyana.[39] Few Acadians from Saint Pierre and Miquelon joined this venture, which failed due to widespread disease and famine, resulting in approximately 10,000 deaths.[39]

Alternative resettlement plans were proposed within France. The Duke of Nivernais suggested settling the Acadians on his property on the Isle of Bouin, a marshland plateau, but this was abandoned after the island was acquired by the crown for military fortification.[39] In April 1763, Choiseul tasked the Controller-General of Finances, Henri Léonard Jean Baptiste Bertin, with managing the resettlement. Bertin suggested employing the Acadians in mining operations,[39] which Choiseul rejected as excessively harsh.[39] Bertin subsequently consulted the kingdom’s intendants regarding the possibility of allocating uncultivated land for settlement. Several additional proposals were considered.[39] Choiseul offered his estate at Chanteloup, near Amboise, but without result.[39] Louis de La Vergne de Tressan offered land near Bitche, but the proposal was dismissed due to poor agricultural conditions and high compensation demands.[39] In October 1763, Belle-Île-en-Mer was proposed as a settlement site.[39] In 1764, Count Antoine d’Hérouville de Claye offered land in Flanders, which was visited by two Acadians from Saint-Malo but ultimately declined.[39] The Marquis de Voyer d’Argenson suggested land near Chinon,[39] and the Count de Châteaubriand proposed the region around Combourg, but both offers were refused by the refugees.[39] Other initiatives included a project by Count de Clonard to settle one hundred families in the Landes of Gascony, which was abandoned due to the perceived overprotection of the Acadians by the state.[39] In August 1768, the Duke of Praslin [fr] proposed granting the Brix forest [fr] near Valognes to the Acadians, but the plan was rejected as the land was crown property designated for reforestation.[39]

A house on the Acadian Line, in Archigny.

In 1768, France acquired Corsica from Genoa, and Minister Étienne François de Choiseul proposed settling Acadian refugees on the island. The proposal was considered seriously, and in 1769, Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre visited Corsica with several Acadians to assess the feasibility of the plan.[39] Another resettlement project, involving the drainage of the Blaye marshes near Bordeaux, was also considered but ultimately abandoned.[39] Following Choiseul’s dismissal in 1770, responsibility for Acadian resettlement passed to the Duke of Aiguillon, Chancellor René Nicolas de Maupeou, and Abbé Joseph-Marie Terray.[39] The Marquis de Saint-Victour showed land near Ussel to two Acadians, but they declined due to unfavorable conditions.[39] The Duchess of Mortemart also offered uncultivated land in the Montmorillon region.[39]

In 1773, the Marquis de Pérusse des Cars successfully established a settlement of Acadian families in Archigny.[39]

Falkland Islands (Malouines)

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Louis Antoine de Bougainville.

Louis Antoine de Bougainville, a French officer involved in the Seven Years' War, proposed a colonization plan for the Falkland Islands, which Minister Étienne François de Choiseul approved.[42] On September 8, 1763, the ships L'Aigle and Le Sphinx departed from Saint-Malo carrying six families, including two Acadian families, and approximately twenty single Acadians.[42] The settlers established a colony named Port-Louis, cleared land, constructed a fort, and began agricultural development.[42] The favorable climate and quality pasture[42] supported the colony's growth, which additional groups of settlers reinforced in 1765 and 1766. Export activities soon followed.[42]

The Falkland Islands, however, were claimed by both the United Kingdom and Spain. On April 1, 1767, France ceded the islands to Spain.[42] King Louis XV gave the settlers the option to remain under Spanish administration or return to France.[42] Most departed for Montevideo on April 27, while a small number, including around thirty Acadians, remained. Some Acadian descendants may still reside in the Falkland Islands.[42]

Saint Pierre and Miquelon

[edit]
View of Miquelon.

Saint Pierre and Miquelon was the only North American territory retained by France following the Treaty of Paris in 1763. In April of that year, approximately 300 Acadians—originating from Boston and Saint-Malo—arrived on the islands from La Rochelle.[43] Due to concerns about overpopulation, Minister Étienne François de Choiseul suggested to Governor François-Gabriel d’Angeac that the settlers be encouraged to relocate to French Guiana.[43] Additional groups of Acadians arrived in 1764, including 115 individuals from Prince Edward Island and Beaubassin, and about 30 from Saint-Malo.[43] By 1765, overpopulation led Governor d’Angeac to deport some Acadians to Nantes aboard the Marie and the Deux-Amis.[43] In 1766, a group of 180 refugees returned to Acadia.[43] The population of Saint Pierre and Miquelon reached approximately 1,250 in 1767.[43] That year, King Louis XV ordered the expulsion of the Acadians. Around 800 individuals were deported to various destinations, including Saint-Malo (40), Brest (78), Lorient (66), Île de Ré, Rochefort, and La Rochelle (217), Louisiana (14), and Acadia (approximately 200).[43] In 1768, the French government authorized the return of Acadians to the islands.[43] On May 5, La Créole arrived with 37 refugees from Saint-Malo. On May 23, La Louise brought 66 Acadians from Port-Louis and La Rochelle.[43] On July 18, La Senac landed 219 Acadians from Rochefort.[43] The colony subsequently entered a period of relative prosperity.[43] During the American War of Independence, the islands were plundered and burned in 1778, prompting the population to seek refuge in France.[43] The territory was reoccupied in 1784.[43] Saint Pierre and Miquelon was captured again by the British in 1793, and the inhabitants fled to France until 1797.[43] The islands were definitively returned to France by the Treaty of Paris in 1815, and the population was resettled in 1816.[43]

Return and reestablishment

[edit]

Under the Treaty of Paris signed in 1763, France ceded all of its North American territories except for Saint Pierre and Miquelon.[44] In 1764, British authorities permitted Acadians to resettle in Acadia on the condition that they take an unconditional oath of allegiance and agree to disperse into small communities.[44] Several hundred Acadians returned from exile, joining approximately 2,500 individuals who had either remained in hiding or been detained locally during the deportation period.[44] As former Acadian lands had been allocated to New England Planters, returning Acadians were required to accept land designated by British authorities or establish new settlements. Vacant lands previously occupied by Acadians were rapidly granted to British settlers.[44]

Following the deportation, vacant Acadian lands were rapidly allocated to British settlers.[6] Although Acadians were permitted to return to Nova Scotia in 1764, they established new settlements rather than reclaiming their former properties. These new communities developed in areas such as Baie Sainte-Marie, Cape Breton Island, Prince Edward Island, and the northern and eastern regions of what became New Brunswick in 1784.[6] Migration to these areas, collectively referred to as "New Acadia," continued into the 1820s.[6]

Many Acadians possessed fishing expertise, which contributed to their settlement along coastal and riverine areas.[45] In Nova Scotia, Acadian communities were established in locations such as Chezzetcook, Pubnico, Baie Sainte-Marie, Île Madame, and Chéticamp.[45] Some Acadians settled on Île Saint-Jean—particularly in Malpeque and Rustico—seeking greater distance from British authority.[45] Île Saint-Jean was designated a separate colony in 1769 and renamed Prince Edward Island in 1799.[45] Other Acadians settled in regions of mainland Nova Scotia that later became part of New Brunswick in 1784,[45] including the Baie des Chaleurs, the Acadian Peninsula, the Madawaska region, and the Memramcook Valley.[45]

Many Acadians were expelled again for refusing to take an unconditional oath of allegiance.[46] Some relocated to Louisiana, while others settled in Saint Pierre and Miquelon.[46] In 1767, under British pressure, France deported the Acadians from Saint Pierre and Miquelon.[46] While most resettled in France, some returned to Nova Scotia and occupied land without official authorization.[46] These individuals were later expelled when the land was sold.[46]

Following the American War of Independence, the arrival of thousands of Loyalist settlers in Nova Scotia led to further displacement of Acadian communities. This included the relocation of residents from Sainte-Anne-des-Pays-Bas to the Madawaska region.[46]

Reactions

[edit]

Governor Charles Lawrence is reported to have held strong animosity toward the Acadians, primarily due to their French origin,[22] although he recognized certain positive attributes among them.[22]

Some British officers expressed personal discomfort with the deportation orders. John Winslow, for example, described the task as "very unpleasant and against his nature and character," but stated that it was his duty to carry out the orders rather than question them.[6]

Historiography

[edit]

Historians paid limited attention to the Great Upheaval until the latter half of the 19th century.[26] Until the early 20th century, the topic was often addressed within a framework of cultural and religious division, with Anglo-Protestant and Franco-Catholic perspectives shaping interpretations.[26] Some historians, such as Thomas Chandler Haliburton, characterized the events as acts of destruction, while others, including James Hannay, sought to justify them on strategic grounds.[47] During the 20th century, scholarship adopted a more neutral tone, although certain aspects, such as the 1758 deportation from Île Saint-Jean, remained underexplored.[26] The interpretation of events continued to be influenced by Catholic clergy over time.[26] By the end of the century, most studies situated the Great Upheaval within the broader context of Acadian history,[26] with particular emphasis on the deportations of 1755. This focus is partly due to the fact that many present-day Acadians trace their ancestry to those deported in that year.[26]

Only two personal journals from the period are known to have survived: one by Lieutenant Colonel John Winslow, which is well documented in historical scholarship, and another by soldier Jeremiah Bancroft, discovered in 2009 and published in 2013.

Founding myths

[edit]

The poem Evangeline (1847) by American author Henry Wadsworth Longfellow played a significant role in shaping the mythologized narrative of the Acadian deportation.[48] While influential in Acadian cultural memory, the poem contains numerous historical inaccuracies[48] and depicts the Acadians as a chosen people subjected to exceptional suffering.[47] During the Acadian cultural revival, French Canadian writers contributed to the construction of Acadian identity. Napoléon Bourassa’s novel Jacques et Marie echoed the theme of Acadians as martyrs and the English as oppressors.[47] Historian François-Edme Rameau de Saint-Père [fr], through his works La France aux colonies and Une colonie féodale en Amérique, significantly influenced public understanding of the deportation, portraying it as a major historical injustice and emphasizing the innocence of the Acadian population.[47]

Clerics such as Henri-Raymond Casgrain and John C. MacMillan also contributed to the development and perpetuation of certain interpretative narratives.[48] Some of these perspectives have persisted in historiography, including in works such as Histoire des Acadiens (1955) by Robert Rumilly [fr], which has been noted for its uncritical repetition of earlier interpretations.[49][48]

The Great Upheaval and Acadian identity

[edit]

The Great Upheaval, particularly the deportation of the Acadians, played a significant role in the formation of Acadian identity and served as a unifying element despite the population’s dispersion.[50] In the 1880s, members of the Acadian elite selected national symbols that reflected their Catholic heritage and historical ties to France, both of which had persisted through the period of upheaval.[50] References to the event continue in cultural and public discourse.[51] The newspaper L’Évangéline was named after Longfellow’s poem,[51] and musical groups such as 1755 and Grand Dérangement reference the deportation through their names.[51]

Recognition and denial

[edit]
A monument commemorating the Great Upheaval in front of Georges Island in Halifax.

The centennial of the Acadian deportation in 1855 was marked with limited public commemoration, primarily due to the sociopolitical context of the time.[52] Nonetheless, religious figures such as Archbishop William Walsh of Halifax[52] and Bishop Jean-Charles Prince of Saint-Hyacinthe issued statements recognizing the event and emphasizing the resilience of the Acadian people.[52]

In contrast, the bicentennial in 1955 was commemorated with widespread celebrations in Acadia, the United States, France, and Quebec.[53] Events included religious ceremonies, parades, patriotic gatherings, theatrical performances, and concerts. The commemorations culminated in the 11th Acadian National Convention [fr] and a pontifical mass at Grand-Pré on August 15.[53]

The 250th anniversary of the Great Upheaval in 2005 was marked by various commemorative events, particularly at Grand-Pré, including the unveiling of the first monuments in the L’Odyssée acadienne [fr] series.[54] Numerous monuments and plaques now commemorate the events, with the Grand-Pré memorial church, inaugurated in 1930, remaining the most prominent.[55] Grand-Pré was designated a National Historic Site of Canada in 1961 and a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2012.

In 1988, the newspaper L’Acadie nouvelle published an editorial by Nelson Landry titled La Grande-Bretagne nous doit des excuses (Great Britain Owes Us an Apology).[56] In 1990, Cajun lawyer Warren Perrin initiated a campaign seeking an official apology from the United Kingdom.[56] The issue gained public and governmental attention from 1999 onward, prompting debate within the Acadian community and among officials in New Brunswick and Canada. The Société nationale de l’Acadie also played an active role in these discussions.[56] In 2003, a Royal Proclamation formally recognized the injustices of the Great Upheaval and designated July 25 as the "Day of Commemoration of the Great Upheaval."[56]

A minority of individuals continue to question or deny the historical significance of the Great Upheaval, with some defending the deportation or criticizing its commemoration. Certain critics have accused organizers of commemorative events and artists referencing the deportation of promoting anti-Anglophone sentiment.[57] These perspectives interpret Acadian commemorations as challenges to Anglophone cultural identity.[57]

In culture

[edit]
Reading the deportation order, C.W. Jefferys (1916).

The poem Evangeline by American author Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, published in 1847, achieved international recognition.[58] It narrates the fictional story of Évangéline Bellefontaine, who searches for her fiancé, Gabriel Lajeunesse, after they are separated during the deportation. Eventually, she becomes a nun in Philadelphia and reunites with Gabriel shortly before his death.[59] The poem played a significant role in the Acadian renaissance[14] and contributed to the popularization of the Great Upheaval, although in a romanticized manner.[26]

The novel Martyr d’un peuple (1927) by French author Léon Ville was inspired by the mutiny on the Pembroke.[60]

Various musicians and visual artists have also drawn inspiration from the events of the Great Upheaval, particularly the deportation.[61][62]

Several films by Acadian filmmaker Phil Comeau explore deportation and the global Acadian diaspora, including that of Louisiana with the film Zachary Richard, toujours batailleur (2016),[63][64] that of Quebec with the series Les Acadiens du Québec, avec Fred Pellerin (2011),[65] and that of France with three films Belle-Ile-en-Mer, île bretonne et acadienne (2016),[66] Belle-Ile en Acadie (2019)[67] and Racines, diaspora & guerre (2023).[68]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c d "Du Grand Dérangement à la déportation des Acadiens" [From the Great Upheaval to the Deportation of the Acadians]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  2. ^ "Le dictionnaire de l'Histoire - Grand Dérangement" [The Dictionary of History - Great Upheaval]. Herodote (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  3. ^ Daigle 1993, p. 36
  4. ^ "28 juillet 1755 - Le Grand Dérangement des Acadiens" [July 28, 1755 - The Great Upheaval of the Acadians]. Herodote (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  5. ^ "Una federación de francófonos del Canadá atlántico, oficialmente socia de la UNESCO" [A federation of French speakers in Atlantic Canada, officially a partner of UNESCO]. Radio-Canada (in French). 2 July 2021. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x Marsh, James (1985). "Déportation des Acadiens (le Grand Dérangement)" [Deportation of the Acadians (the Great Upheaval)]. The Canadian Encyclopedia (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  7. ^ Guerre du Canada. 1756-1760. Montcalm et Lévis. Tome 1 [Canadian War. 1756-1760. Montcalm and Lévis. Volume 1] (in French). 1891. p. 460. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  8. ^ a b c d "Le contexte politique" [The political context]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  9. ^ a b "Des premiers députés acadiens" [The first Acadian deputies]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  10. ^ a b "Brûlez les maisons!" [Burn the houses!]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g Fonteneau 1996, pp. 122–123
  12. ^ "Rôle et influence d'Halifax" [Role and influence of Halifax]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g Fonteneau 1996, pp. 108–110
  14. ^ a b c d e f g Braud 1994, pp. 26–29
  15. ^ a b c d e Fonteneau 1996, pp. 110–112
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Fonteneau 1996, pp. 112–113
  17. ^ a b c d Fonteneau 1996, pp. 134–137
  18. ^ Fonteneau 1996, pp. 140–142
  19. ^ Fonteneau 1996, pp. 142–145
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Fonteneau 1996, pp. 114–116
  21. ^ a b c "La décision du 28 juillet 1755" [The decision of July 28, 1755]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  22. ^ a b c d e f g h Fonteneau 1996, pp. 116–119
  23. ^ a b c "Les bateaux" [The boats]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  24. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Leblanc, Ronnie-Gilles. "Le camp d'Espérance, les réfugiés acadiens de la Miramichi, 1756-1761" [The Camp of Hope, the Acadian refugees of the Miramichi, 1756-1761]. Encyclopédie du patrimoine culturel de l'Amérique française (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  25. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Fonteneau 1996, pp. 119–122
  26. ^ a b c d e f g h i Lockerby 1998, pp. 45–48
  27. ^ a b c d e f Lockerby 1998, pp. 48–49
  28. ^ a b Lockerby 1998, p. 49
  29. ^ a b c d e Eccles, W. C (1985). "Bataille de la Restigouche" [Battle of Restigouche]. L'Encyclopédie canadienne (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  30. ^ a b c d e "La résistance: Les résistants" [The Resistance: The Resisters]. L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  31. ^ "La résistance: Les évadés" [The Resistance: The Escapees]. L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  32. ^ "Le Duke William et le Violet" [Duke William and the Violet]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  33. ^ a b c "Les colonies américaines" [The American colonies]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  34. ^ a b c d e f g h i Fonteneau 1996, pp. 124–127
  35. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Braud 1994, pp. 31–38
  36. ^ a b c d "L'Angleterre" [England]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  37. ^ a b c d "Le Québec" [Quebec]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  38. ^ a b c d e f "La Louisiane" [Louisiane]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  39. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Fonteneau 1996, pp. 161–166
  40. ^ Fonteneau 1996, pp. 137–139
  41. ^ a b c d e f "La France et ses colonies" [France and its colonies]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  42. ^ a b c d e f g h Fonteneau 1996, pp. 158–161
  43. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Fonteneau 1996, pp. 156–158
  44. ^ a b c d "Une nouvelle Acadie" [A new Acadia]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  45. ^ a b c d e f "Les scénarios de retour" [Return scenarios]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  46. ^ a b c d e f "Une Acadie de l'errance" [Acadia of Wandering]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  47. ^ a b c d Massicotte, Julien (2006). "La tragicomédie acadienne : différentes perceptions de 1755" [The Acadian Tragicomedy: Different Perceptions of 1755]. Argument (in French). 8 (1).
  48. ^ a b c d Lockerby, Earle (1998a). "The Deportation of the Acadians from Ile St.-Jean, 1758" [The Deportation of the Acadians from Ile St.-Jean, 1758]. Acadiensis (in French). XXVII (2). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  49. ^ L'Italien, Rosaire (November 26, 2009). "La Déportation vue par un soldat" [Deportation as seen by a soldier]. Radio-Canada (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  50. ^ a b "Adoption des symboles nationaux" [Adoption of national symbols]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  51. ^ a b c "Persistance dans le discours acadien" [Persistence in Acadian discourse]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  52. ^ a b c "1855 : le centenaire de la déportation" [1855: the centenary of the deportation]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  53. ^ a b "1955 : le bicentenaire de la déportation" [1955: the bicentenary of the deportation]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  54. ^ "2005 : 250 ans après la Déportation" [2005: 250 years after the Deportation]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  55. ^ "Monuments, plaques et lieux historiques" [Monuments, plaques and historic sites]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  56. ^ a b c d "Proclamation royale et reconnaissance des torts" [Royal Proclamation and Recognition of Wrongs]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  57. ^ a b L'Italien, Rosaire (August 4, 2010). "Le débat prend de l'ampleur" [The debate is gaining momentum]. Radio-Canada (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  58. ^ "Évangéline: Henry Wadsworth Longfellow". 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  59. ^ "Le poème" [The poem]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  60. ^ "Les bateaux dans la littérature" [Boats in literature]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  61. ^ "La Déportation dans les arts visuels" [Deportation in the Visual Arts]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  62. ^ "La déportation dans les chansons" [Deportation in songs]. 1755: L'Histoire et les histoires (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  63. ^ "Zachary Richard, toujours batailleur : l'attachement émotionnel à ses racines acadiennes" [Zachary Richard, still a fighter: the emotional attachment to his Acadian roots]. Radio-Canada (in French). November 12, 2016. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  64. ^ Mousseau, Sylvie (November 18, 2016). "La consécration pour Phil Comeau au FICFA" [Phil Comeau's consecration at FICFA]. Acadie Nouvelle (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  65. ^ "Les Acadiens du Québec au grand écran" [Quebec's Acadians on the big screen]. Radio-Canada (in French). 2012. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  66. ^ "BELLE-ÎLE-EN-MER, ÎLE BRETONNE ET ACADIENNE" [BELLE-ÎLE-EN-MER, BRITTANY AND ACADIAN ISLAND] (in French). 2016. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  67. ^ "Belle-Île en Acadie, ou l'histoire partagée de la diaspora acadienne dans le monde" [Belle-Île in Acadia, or the shared history of the Acadian diaspora in the world]. La Presse canadienne (in French). March 8, 2021. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  68. ^ Mousseau, Sylvie (March 23, 2023). "Le nouveau film de Phil Comeau en première mondiale en France" [Phil Comeau's new film has its world premiere in France]. Acadie Nouvelle (in French). Retrieved July 29, 2025.

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Braud, Gérard-Marc (1994). De Nantes à la Louisiane : l'histoire de l'Acadie, l'odyssée d'un peuple exilé [From Nantes to Louisiana: The History of Acadia, the Odyssey of an Exiled People] (in French). Nantes: 1994. ISBN 2-908261-73-1.
  • Daigle, Jean (1993). L'Acadie des Maritimes : études thématiques des débuts à nos jours [Acadia in the Maritimes: Thematic Studies from the Beginnings to the Present Day] (in French). Moncton: Centre d'études acadiennes Anselme-Chiasson. ISBN 2-921166-06-2.
  • Delaney, Paul (2005). "Chronologie des déportations et migrations des Acadiens (1755-1816)" [Chronology of the deportations and migrations of the Acadians (1755-1816)]. Les Cahiers, Société historique acadienne (in French). 36 (2): 52–90. ISSN 0049-1098.
  • Fonteneau, Jean-Marie (1996). Les Acadiens : citoyens de l'Atlantique [The Acadians: Citizens of the Atlantic] (in French). Rennes: Éditions Ouest-France. ISBN 2-7373-1880-7.
  • Lockerby, Earle (1998). "The Deportation of the Acadians from Ile St.-Jean, 1758". The Deportation of the Acadians from Ile St.-Jean, 1758. XXVII (2). Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  • Amicale des familles d'alliance canadienne-française; Amitiés généalogiques canadiennes-françaises; Association Les Amitiés Généalogiques Canadiennes-Françaises (AGCF) (2005). "Les amitiés généalogiques canadiennes-françaises : bulletin de l'Amicale des familles d'alliance canadienne-française" [French-Canadian Genealogical Friendships: Bulletin of the Association of French-Canadian Alliance Families]. Les Ormes (in French). Association Les Amitiés Généalogiques Canadiennes-Françaises. ISSN 1267-7957. Retrieved July 29, 2025.
  • McKay, Ian; Bates, Robin (2010). In the Province of History: The Making of the Public Past in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia. McGill-Queen's University Press.