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ASEAN Declaration

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ASEAN Declaration
Signing of the declaration by five foreign ministers at the main hall of Saranrom Palace, on Phra Nakhon, Bangkok
TypeFounding treaty
Signed8 August 1967 (1967-08-08)
LocationPhra Nakhon in Bangkok, Thailand
Original
signatories
Full text
Bangkok Declaration at Wikisource

The ASEAN Declaration,[1] commonly known as the Bangkok Declaration, is the founding charter of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Signed on 8 August 1967 by the foreign ministers of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand in Bangkok, it formally established the Association to promote regional cooperation in economic, social, cultural, technical, and administrative fields, and to foster regional peace and stability through adherence to the United Nations Charter and the rule of law.

The Declaration states the basic principles of sovereign equality, non‑interference, and consensus-based decision-making (known as Musyawarah) among members.[2] Although conceived during the Cold War amid concerns over communist expansion, its text notably omits any direct reference to ideological or military alliances. The date of its signing is now commemorated annually as ASEAN Day throughout Southeast Asia.[3]

Background

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Main article: Konfrontasi
Sarawak Rangers hop out a Bell UH-1 helicopter to guard the Malay–Thai border. By 1964, Southeast Asia was at a brinkmanship of regional war.

In the mid-1960s, Southeast Asia was riven by conflicts and distrust. Indonesia under President Sukarno had waged Konfrontasi (Confrontation) against the newly created Federation of Malaysia, and the Philippines had severed relations with Malaysia over the Sabah dispute. By August 1966, however, the geopolitical landscape shifted dramatically. Sukarno was eased from power and General Suharto’s New Order regime moved to end Konfrontasi by signing a peace agreement on 11 August 1966 in Bangkok, formally concluding their hostilities.[4] In parallel, President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines quietly shelved Manila’s claim to Sabah and restored diplomatic ties with Malaysia in mid-1966.[5] These reconciliations removed the principal obstacles to regional rapprochement. Sensing an opportunity during Indonesia's presence in Bangkok, Thanat Khoman spearheaded plans for a new regional organization. During a banquet to commemorate the end of Konfrontasi and the start of reproachment, Thanat quietly floated the idea of a broader alliance to Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Adam Malik.[6] Initially receptive, Malik was quick to agree on the concept, whilst noting Indonesia's first needed to normalize relations fully with Malaysia.[7] Indeed, Malik was eager to reintegrate Indonesia into regional affairs after Sukarno’s isolationism, had been “courting an invitation to join” a revived ASA even before 1967.[8]

In late November, the Thai Foreign Minister expressed his hope for the revival of the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA). Meanwhile, Tunku Abdul Rahman discussed the possibility of expanding the ASA organization. Thai Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman, however, emphasized a cautious approach, suggesting that expansion should be considered step by step.[9] During this period, Tunku Abdul Rahman expressed reservations about the prospect of ASA, an organization initiated by Malaysia, would soon be replaced by a new Southeast Asian association. He initially viewed Indonesia as a non-founding member and regarded the proposed new organization as merely an extension of the former ASA. However, after several rounds of negotiations held in Bangkok which lasted until May, Tunku ultimately endorsed and accepted Adam Malik’s reasoning that a completely new organization was necessary, rather than simply continuing ASA.[10] Malik believed that neither ASA nor Maphilindo accurately reflected regional realities, and that Indonesia could not join ASA; instead, a new body was necessary, one that would incorporate elements of both ASA and Maphilindo. This new association would emphasize close cooperation among neighboring Southeast Asian countries in economic, cultural, and technical fields. Malik envisioned Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand as the founder members, with Singapore also included, though its status as a founding member remained uncertain. According to British diplomat Horace Phillips, Indonesia viewed itself, by virtue of its size and strategic position, as the natural leader in the region and insisted on being a founding member of any new regional grouping rather than merely joining an existing association.[11]: 25 

Though the original plan was to include only ASA and Indonesia,[12] Thanat under alignment with Indonesia noted that Singapore, which had been expelled from Malaysia in August, would be welcomed into the new organization.[9] Under this invitation, Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and foreign Minister, S. Rajaratnam was initially cautious on the prospect of joining ASEAN, more so from the aftermath of its expulsion from Malaysia and the intricacies of nation-building.[11]: 23  To Malaysia's foreign minister, the invitation of Singapore was more or less a diplomatic necessity rather than the belief of regionalism.[10]: 36  As commitments show, Singapore eventually viewed ASEAN as its first step to stimulate its economy and address, or ideally eliminate, racial disparities. Participation in the organization was also seen as a way to counter perceptions of Singapore as simply another Chinese state in Asia.[13] Thus Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew dispatched S. Rajaratnam to see Thanat at the negotiating table in Bangkok to further discuss the prospect of becoming a founder state of the new organization.[14]

Even so, the potential revival also depended on a decision from the Philippines, and Thanat mentioned the prospect of mediation to facilitate the process.[9] At the time, due to its long-standing and strong economic and security links to the United States, the Philippine government had felt very little need get involved with other regional agreements, such those that ASEAN would provide. In addition, the Philippines' reluctance to support ASEAN regionalism stemmed from its differences with Malaysia about Sabah.[15] Despite so, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Narciso Ramos continued under a conviction that ASEAN will serve as the cornerstone of Philippine foreign policy. Going as to inviting Tunku Abdul Razak and his family for a quiet weekend in Baguio to build personal rapport and address the Sabah issue in a relaxed setting.[16]

Meanwhile, after discussions with Thanat Khoman, Adam Malik engaged with leaders from Burma and Cambodia to explore the possibility of their participation as founding members of ASEAN. By including nations with neutral foreign policy stances, this view was purportedly motivated by a desire to diversify the association's political makeup and diminish concerns that it was favouring Western-aligned interests. In May 1967, Malik visited Rangoon on official business to discuss the ASEAN proposal with Burmese leaders. Rangoon, however, showed little official interest in the proposal because of its internal issues, neutrality policy, and worries about China's anticipated responses to its ASEAN membership.[17][18] With that, Malik then flew to Phnom Penh with unfavourable terms. Cambodia turned down the invitation, citing its strict neutrality and non-alignment policy. As news of the meeting leaked, the Cambodian media later criticised the proposed ASEAN as a group closely linked to American imperialism and hailed its government's decision to not join as a "very wise move".[19] South Vietnam was not invited to join the grouping due to the ongoing war.[20] Thus the organization stayed with its 5 members.

Drafting

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First draft

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Prior to the Bangkok Conference, Thanat’s Foreign Office had prepared and revised multiple draft charters for the prospective association,[7] with the earliest draft originally sent to Tunku Abdul Rahman in earlier December 1966 to gauge support and begin formal negotiations. At this point, the original proposal name for the organization was the South East Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SEAARC). which had similar mechanisms to the former ASA organization.[11]: 28–29  The declaration itself was formed based on this premise when two senior Foreign Ministry officials from Indonesia, Chaidir Anwar Sani and Abu Bakar Lubis, were deployed to Thailand at the end of 1966 to help Thanat's foreign office. And so, the draft had held several language and excerpts from the Manila Declaration that formed Maphilindo.[21]

The draft began by affirming the shared belief that Southeast Asian nations held the primary responsibility for ensuring regional stability, safeguarding their national identities from subversion, and supporting peaceful and progressive development in line with their peoples' aspirations. It emphasized that foreign military bases were temporary in nature and should not be used to undermine national independence, nor should collective defense arrangements serve the particular interests of any major power. Expressing a desire to establish a solid foundation for joint action, the foreign ministers declared the formation of the South East Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SEAARC). The proposed aims included promoting mutual understanding and friendly cooperation, strengthening regional peace and security, encouraging Southeast Asian studies, and consulting and cooperating on common issues to resolve disputes collectively. It envisioned effective mechanisms for consultation and mutual assistance in economic, social, cultural, technical, scientific, and administrative fields, including shared research facilities, training programs, and resource development. The draft affirmed that the association would not be tied to any external power bloc nor directed against any country, instead the collective will to work together for the well-being and progress of the region without compromising sovereignty, adopting machinery similar to that of ASA.[11]: 28–29 

This draft was met by resistance by most members, particularly that of Malaysia, who were convinced that the draft was made in Indonesia. Most being for the reference of the proclamation that all foreign bases in Southeast Asia were temporary in nature.[21][11]: 28  On the draft, Malaysia wanted to maintain long-term deterrence against Indonesia because of their concerns about the country's uncertain administration and the possibility that it might return to its hardline and exclusive diplomacy.[21]

The excerpt in question was written down by the Indonesian Army, who at the time held much sway within the country. The Generals wanted Indonesia and its regional neighbours in ASEAN to have a closer security co-operation which in effect.[22]: 213–214  Believing that, in the long run, the organization can be used a tool to reduce and eventually take over the security role of the outside powers in the region, in turn, increasing the military's budget. Under a military junta, Adam Malik had to tolerate the army's meddling within the negotiation process.[21] Anwar Sani believed that the excerpt would not cause problems since the wording did not extend to defence.[11]: 28  Adam Malik had a number of differences with Suharto's Indonesian National Armed Forces Generals such as General Maraden Panggabean over the way in which Indonesia should approach its Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia. The Generals were also in favour of sending Indonesian troops to help the South Vietnamese in the Vietnam War. On the other hand, Malik insisted that ASEAN should only be about economic, not military co-operation. Both Malik and Sani considered the Army's proposal as "unrealistic, besides being undesirable from the domestic point of view." To this end, Suharto agrees to the views of the Ministers.[22]: 213–214 

Negotiations

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The stall resulting from continued discussions with Thailand and Malik’s visits briefly misled Abdul Razak into thinking that a Southeast Asian organization would proceed without Malaysia. In response, Malaysia offered to host the organization’s ministerial meeting to reaffirm its support.[18] Thus to dispel discouragement, on July 21, Thailand issued formal invitations for a five-nation conference to be held in Bangkok on 3 August 1967.[23] By this point, a consensus on the draft’s content and on the SEAARC proposal had essentially been reached among some attending governments, as the basic preparatory groundwork of the organization had been made by Thanat, S. Rajaratnam, and Adam Malik in separate informal talks prior.[23]

"Sports-Shirt Diplomacy"

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Thanat Khoman, chose an informal approach to ease tensions within Southeast Asia

Before formal negotiations began in Bangkok, Thai Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman employed a strategic approach to create trust among the delegates by inviting the visiting ministers to an informal retreat at Bang Saen, a seaside resort approximately 100 kilometers from Bangkok. Specifically staying at the Bang Saen House, the summer residence of then Thai Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn. The building is now known the Field Marshal P. Pibulsongkram Museum (Thai: พิพิธภัณฑ์ จอมพล ป. พิบูลสงคราม) and as the "birth place of ASEAN."[24] After landing in Bangkok in August 4, the delegated were then re-routed to Bang Saen.[20] For two days, beginning around August 4, 1967, the five foreign ministers spent time together in a relaxed setting, playing golf, sharing meals, and engaging in open conversations, all while dressed casually. This atmosphere of informality contrasted sharply with conventional diplomatic protocols and was later affectionately referred to as “sports-shirt diplomacy” attributed to Thanat Khoman[20]

On August 6, the five foreign ministers played a round of golf at the par-72, Bangpra International Golf Club. During the game, the ministers used humor and personal anecdotes to diffuse tensions, allowing them to discreetly introduce proposals and explore potential compromises on key issues.[7] Meanwhile, among the topics discussed at Bang Saen House were plans were to expand projects initially developed under ASA, including fisheries, education, cultural exchanges, and aerial services, as well as the possibility of establishing a joint Asian airline and shipping line. However, many of the ministers privately agreed that the most critical objective was to reintegrate Indonesia into the “family of nations.”[25] Although conducted in an informal setting, the negotiation process was not without its challenges. Each minister entered the discussions with distinct historical and political perspectives, often differing significantly from one another. Nevertheless, through a combination of goodwill and mutual respect, they were able to address and reconcile these differences. In parallel to their formal meetings, they continued exchanges whilst contributing to an atmosphere that facilitated candid dialogue. This informal interaction and formal negotiation would later characterize the ASEAN ministerial tradition.[26]

Bangkok conference

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Saranrom Palace in Bangkok, Thailand, the site of the signing of the ASEAN Declaration.

After the productive retreat at Bang Saen, the ministers reconvened in Bangkok for the formal 1st ASEAN Ministerial Meeting. On August 8, 1967, working sessions were held at Thailand’s Department of Foreign Affairs (located at Saranrom Palace in Bangkok) to finalize the agreement. By the time the ministers convened for the formal meeting, extensive private lobbying and informal discussions at Bang Saen had already led to the emergence of a general consensus. Through ongoing exchanges and the active sharing of ideas during private conversations, proposals often evolved to the point where it was difficult to determine their original source. This facilitated smoother agreement when the formal negotiations began.[20]

Signatories

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The original copy of the ASEAN Declaration. Signed in 8 August 1967

ASEAN listed the signatories of the ASEAN Declaration as its founding fathers.[6] Collectively known as the "Big Five",[27] these individuals are credited with laying the groundwork for ASEAN's principles of regional cooperation, non-interference, and mutual respect, which continue to guide the organization today.[28] These are:

Picture Name Country Description
Adam Malik Indonesia As Indonesia’s Foreign Minister, Malik was instrumental in reversing Indonesia’s Konfrontasi with Malaysia. Malik also contributed significantly to the drafting of the Bangkok Declaration, the tenets of musyawarah (consultation) and mufakat (which evolved to the ASEAN way),[29] and the naming of ASEAN.[30]
Tun Abdul Razak Malaysia Serving concurrently as Malaysia's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Tun Abdul Razak steered the association toward non-alignment, formalised that stance in ZOPFAN,[31] pressed for tighter internal machinery, and reframed ASEAN diplomacy to let Southeast Asians, not external patrons, decide the region’s future.[28]
Narciso R. Ramos Philippines A journalist and member of the Philippine resistance during World War II, Ramos was first to speak at ASEAN’s founding to stress the importance of regional cooperation, citing challenges to the countries of Southeast Asia during uncertain and critical times.[32] He embedded the idea that ASEAN should resolve or dampen internal disputes peacefully, a principle later codified in the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation.[28]
S. Rajaratnam Singapore First foreign minister of Singapore, Rajaratnam argued that regionalism was essential to complement individualistic nationalism. Rajaratnam warned of the dangers of “balkanization”, and saw a united Southeast Asia as essential for collective regional resilience.[33]
Thanat Khoman Thailand Thailand’s foreign minister, Khoman initiated the dialogue that led to ASEAN, first at a banquet that eased regional tensions. He drafted the charter and hosted “sports-shirt diplomacy” talks at Bang Saen, laying the groundwork for the Bangkok Declaration.[32]

Surrounding issues

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Communism

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Prior to the declaration, the five Southeast Asian states struggled to contain communist influence.

At the time, the Filipino government struggled to give amnesty to former Hukbalahap militants, who staged an armed conflict in Luzon during the 1950s that almost led to the collapse of the central government.

Conflict between the Indonesian military and the increasing Indonesian Communist Party apparently come to an end in late 1965 with the transition to the dictatorship of Suharto's "New Order" after the horror of Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66 being implemented.[34]

Communism also led to the idea of merging the Federation of Malaya, Sarawak, Singapore, and North Borneo into one entity, which had the intention of eliminating the possibility of Singapore falling into communism. Singapore was expelled from the Federation in 1965 over racial tensions and how the federation should be governed, but remained a capitalist democratic society with close ties with its new neighbors.

Tensions between neighbours

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A related matter was the formation of Malaysia. In 1961, Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman announced a proposal to create a new federation called Malaysia. This was opposed by Indonesia and the Philippines because Indonesia believed the new formation was a form of neo-colonialism while the Philippines claimed eastern North Borneo (Sabah) as part of its territory.

To defuse tension, a non-political confederation called Maphilindo was formed. This, however, was not successful due to the perception that Maphilindo was formed to delay or prevent the formation of Malaysia.

Despite opposition, Malaysia was formed in 1963. This led to the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation. The Philippines withdrew diplomatic ties, causing relations to remain sour until the formation of ASEAN.

It is believed by scholars that the formation of ASEAN has prevented hostilities between Southeast Asian states.[35][36]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ "The Asean Declaration (Bangkok Declaration) Bangkok, 8 August 1967". ASEAN. Retrieved 7 May 2017.
  2. ^ Bernard Eccleston; Michael Dawson; Deborah J. McNamara (1998). The Asia-Pacific Profile. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-17279-9.
  3. ^ "ASEAN Day". ASEAN. Retrieved 11 February 2015.
  4. ^ Paret, Peter; Craig, Gordon Alexander, eds. (1986). Makers of modern strategy: from Machiavelli to the nuclear age. Princeton Paperbacks. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-691-02764-7.
  5. ^ Weinstein, Franklin B. (2009). Indonesia Abandons Confrontation: An Inquiry Into the Functions of Indonesian Foreign Policy. Equinox Publishing. ISBN 978-602-8397-45-2.
  6. ^ a b "The founding of ASEAN". ASEAN. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  7. ^ a b c Mehta, Harish C. "Fifty Years of Living Dangerously, and Triumphantly, 1967–2017". Global Journal Ceners. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  8. ^ TIME (10 June 1966). "Asia: An Uproar of Peace". TIME. Retrieved 30 June 2025.
  9. ^ a b c C.L. Booth Bangkok/Donald Murray SEAD (17 December 1965). "Record C2937679: Association of South East Asia". The National Archives (UK). D1121/5. UK Government. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  10. ^ a b Phanit, Thakur (2021). ASEAN's First Decade (PDF). Bangkok: International Studies Center, MFA Thailand. ISBN 978-616-341-081-8. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  11. ^ a b c d e f Tarling, Nicholas (2011). Southeast Asian Regionalism: New Zealand Perspectives. Institute of Southeast Asian. ISBN 978-981-4311-49-6.
  12. ^ Khoman, Thanat (2015). "ASEAN: Conception and Evolution". In Ooi, Kee Beng; Basu Das, Sanchita; Chong, Terence; Cook, Malcolm; Lee, Cassey; Yeo, Michael Chai Ming (eds.). The 3rd ASEAN Reader. Singapore: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute. pp. xiii–xviii. doi:10.1355/9789814620628-002. ISBN 978-981-4620-62-8. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  13. ^ Poon-Kim, Shee (1977). "A Decade of ASEAN, 1967-1977". Asian Survey. 17 (8): 755–756. doi:10.2307/2643336. ISSN 0004-4687. JSTOR 2643336.
  14. ^ Khoman, Thanat (2015). "ASEAN: Conception and Evolution". In Ooi, Kee Beng; Basu Das, Sanchita; Chong, Terence; Cook, Malcolm; Lee, Cassey; Yeo, Michael Chai Ming (eds.). The 3rd ASEAN Reader. Singapore: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute. pp. xiii–xviii. doi:10.1355/9789814620628-002. ISBN 978-981-4620-62-8. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  15. ^ Abell, Robyn Janet (1972), Philippine policy towards regional cooperation in Southeast Asia, 1961-1969, The Australian National University, The Australian National University, pp. 328‒347, doi:10.25911/5D763423A6987, retrieved 30 June 2025
  16. ^ Albert, Delia D. (1 October 2017). Intal, Ponciano Jr.; Chongkittavorn, Kavi; Maramis, Larry (eds.). My ASEAN Story (PDF). ASEAN@50 Volume 1: The ASEAN Journey: Reflections of ASEAN Leaders and Officials. Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia. pp. 155–162. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  17. ^ Koga, Kei (24 February 2012). "The Process of ASEAN's Institutional Consolidation in 1968-1976: Theoretical Implications for Changes of Third-World Security Oriented Institution" (PDF). S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  18. ^ a b "Thailand Proposes Five-Nation Association". The Straits Times. 1 June 1967. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  19. ^ Gordon, Bernard K. (1969). Cambodia and Southeast Asian Regionalism. Report / Strategic Studies Department ; RAC-R-73. McLean, VA: Research Analysis Corporation. p. 52. OCLC 81115482. OL 3809014M.
  20. ^ a b c d TIME (18 August 1967). "Asia: Sports-Shirt Diplomacy". TIME. Retrieved 30 June 2025.
  21. ^ a b c d Ihara, Nobuhiro (2010). "Establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a Process of Reassurance by Indonesia". New Zealand Political Studies Association Conference Papers. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  22. ^ a b Elson, R. E. (2001). Suharto: a political biography. Cambridge, UK ; Oakleigh, Vic: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-77326-3.
  23. ^ a b "Asian alliance plan: Five nations to meet in Bangkok". The Straits Times. 21 July 1967. p. 1. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  24. ^ "PH Embassy Visits Birthplace of ASEAN in Bang Saen, Thailand". dfa.gov.ph. Retrieved 6 July 2025.
  25. ^ "FORE! ALL'S FAIR ON THE FAIRWAY". The Straits Times. 6 August 1967. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  26. ^ "The Founding of ASEAN". Department of Lands, Thailand. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  27. ^ "Asean Big Five put their signatures to the joint communique at close of their talks at Highlands". The Straits Times. 18 December 1969. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  28. ^ a b c Koga, Kei (24 February 2012). "The Process of ASEAN's Institutional Consolidation in 1968–1976: Theoretical Implications for Changes of Third-World Security-Oriented Institution" (PDF). RSIS Working Paper Series. S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  29. ^ "ASEAN's strategic diplomacy underpins regional stability - East Asia Forum". East Asia Forum Quarterly: Volume 9, Number 2 2017. 9 (2): 7–9. 1 April 2017.
  30. ^ Krishnamra, Nadhavathna (2024). Thailand and ASEAN 1967–1979: A Commitment to Regionalism or Complement to Alignment? (PDF). International Studies Center. Retrieved 28 March 2025.
  31. ^ Farrelly, Nicholas, ed. (2011), "ZOPFAN", Southeast Asian Regionalism: New Zealand Perspectives, Books and Monographs, ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, pp. 37–53, ISBN 978-981-4311-01-4, retrieved 23 June 2025
  32. ^ a b Ramos, Fidel V. (October 2017). "From "Sports‑Shirt" Diplomacy to a Model Rules‑Based Organisation". In Intal, Ponciano Jr.; Chongkittavorn, Kavi; Maramis, Larry (eds.). ASEAN@50 Volume 1: The ASEAN Journey: Reflections of ASEAN Leaders and Officials (PDF). Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia. pp. 13–27. Retrieved 8 June 2025.
  33. ^ "S'pore's founding father S Rajaratnam helped establish ASEAN 50 years ago, here's what he said in 1967". mothership.sg. Retrieved 23 June 2025.
  34. ^ Bevins, Vincent (20 October 2017). "What the United States Did in Indonesia". TheAtlantic.com. The Atlantic Monthly Group. Retrieved 30 December 2020.
  35. ^ Globalisation: encyclopaedia of trade, labour, and politics by Ashish K. Vaidya
  36. ^ The Genesis of Konfrontasi: Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia 1945-1965, Greg Poulgrain
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