Wikipedia - Benutzerbeiträge [de]

Spaced Repetition

2016-12-23T16:47:03Z

RubyQ: /* Algorithms */ updating to SM-17, the newest version of the algorithm

[[File:Leitner system alternative.svg|230px|thumb|In the [[Leitner system]], correctly answered cards are advanced to the next, less frequent box, while incorrectly answered cards return to the first box for more aggressive review and repetition.]]

'''Spaced repetition''' is a [[learning]] technique that incorporates increasing intervals of time between subsequent review of previously learned material in order to exploit the psychological [[spacing effect]]. Alternative names include ''spaced rehearsal'', ''expanding rehearsal'', ''graduated intervals'', ''repetition spacing'', ''repetition scheduling'', ''[[spaced retrieval]]'' and ''expanded retrieval''.<ref>"Human Memory: Theory and Practice", Alan D. Baddeley, 1997</ref>

Although the principle is useful in many contexts, spaced repetition is commonly applied in contexts in which a learner must acquire a large number of items and retain them indefinitely in memory. It is, therefore, well suited for the problem of [[vocabulary]] acquisition in the course of second language learning, due to the size of the target language's inventory of [[Open class (linguistics)|open-class]] words.

==Research and applications==
[[File:spaced repetition.webm|thumb|upright=1.4|Video explanation]]
{{See also|Spacing effect}}

The notion that spaced repetition could be used for improving learning was first proposed in the book ''Psychology of Study'' by Prof. [[Cecil Alec Mace|C. A. Mace]] in 1932: "Perhaps the most important discoveries are those which relate to the appropriate distribution of the periods of study...Acts of revision should be spaced in gradually increasing intervals, roughly intervals of one day, two days, four days, eight days, and so on."{{citation needed|date=September 2015}}

In 1939, H. F. Spitzer tested the effects of a type of spaced repetition on sixth-grade students in Iowa learning science facts.<ref>Spitzer, H. F. (1939). Studies in retention. Journal of Educational Psychology, 30, 641–657.</ref> Spitzer tested over 3600 students in Iowa and showed that spaced repetition was effective. This early work went unnoticed, and the field was relatively quiet until the late 1960s when cognitive psychologists, including Melton<ref>Melton, A. W. (1970). The situation with respect to the spacing of repetitions and memory. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 9, 596–606.</ref> and Landauer & Bjork,<ref>Landauer, T. K., & Bjork, R. A. (1978). Optimum rehearsal patterns and name learning. In M. Gruneberg, P. E. Morris, & R. N. Sykes (Eds.), Practical aspects of memory (pp. 625–632). London: Academic Press.</ref> explored manipulation of repetition timing as a means to improve recall. Around the same time, [[Pimsleur Language Programs|Pimsleur language courses]] pioneered the practical application of spaced repetition theory to language learning, and in 1973 [[Sebastian Leitner]] devised his "[[Leitner system]]", an all-purpose spaced repetition learning system based on [[flashcard]]s.

With the increase in access to personal computers in the 1980s, spaced repetition began to be implemented with [[computer-assisted language learning]] software-based solutions,<ref>See [[#Software]]</ref> enabling automated scheduling and statistic gathering, scaling to thousands of cards scheduled individually.{{POV statement|1=E2.80.9CPrograms.E2.80.A6tailor_to_learner_performance.E2.80.9D_conveys_the_incorrrect_notion_that_flash_cards_do_not_do_this|date=April 2014}}{{citation needed|date=April 2014}} To enable the user to reach a target level of achievement (e.g. 90% of all material correctly recalled at any given time point), the software adjusts the repetition spacing interval. Material that is hard appears more often and material that is easy less often, with difficulty defined according to the ease with which the user is able to produce a correct response.

==Algorithms==

There are several families of algorithms for scheduling spaced repetition:
*[[Pythagorean Method of Memorization|PYMOM- Pythagorean Method of Memorization]]
*[[Neural network]]s based
*[[Leitner system]]: 5 stages and an arbitrary number of stages
*SM-family of algorithms ([[SuperMemo]]): SM-0 (a paper implementation) to SM-17 (in SuperMemo 17)

Some have theorized that the precise length of intervals does not have a great impact on algorithm effectiveness,<ref>Cull, W. L. (2000). Untangling the benefits of multiple study opportunities and repeated testing for cued recall. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 14, 215–235.</ref> although it has been suggested by others that the interval ([[expanded interval|expanded]] vs. [[fixed interval]], etc.) is quite important. The experimental results regarding this point are mixed.<ref>[http://www.psych.wustl.edu/coglab/publications/Balota+et+al+roddy+chapter.pdf Chapter 6:Is Expanded Retrieval Practice a Superior Form of Spaced Retrieval?], A Critical Review of the Extant Literature, DAVID A. BALOTA, JANET M DUCHEK, and JESSICA M. LOGAN</ref>

==Pimsleur's graduated-interval recall==
Graduated-interval recall is a type of spaced repetition published by [[Paul Pimsleur]] in 1967.<ref>{{cite journal
|title=A Memory Schedule
|first=Paul
|last=Pimsleur
|periodical=The Modern Language Journal
|volume=51
|issue=2
|date=February 1967
|pages=73–75
|doi=10.2307/321812
|jstor=321812
|publisher=Blackwell Publishing
|postscript={{inconsistent citations}}}}</ref> It is used in the [[Pimsleur Language Programs|Pimsleur language learning system]] and is particularly suited to programmed audio instruction due to the very short times (measured in seconds or minutes) between the first few repetitions, as compared to other forms of spaced repetition which may not require such precise timings.

The intervals published in Pimsleur's paper were: 5 seconds, 25 seconds, 2 minutes, 10 minutes, 1 hour, 5 hours, 1 day, 5 days, 25 days, 4 months, and 2 years.

By timing a Pimsleur language program with a stopwatch,{{Original research inline|date=February 2011}} it is possible to verify that the intervals are not followed exactly but have upper and lower bounds. A similar principle (graduated intervals with upper and lower bounds) is used in at least one [[open source]] software project ([http://people.pwf.cam.ac.uk/ssb22/gradint/ Gradint]) to schedule audio-only lessons.

==Software==
{{see also|List of flashcard software}}
[[File:Anki 2.0.22 KDE4.en.story-ru-en.smallwindow.png|thumbnail|Anki used for memorizing Russian vocabulary]]
Most spaced repetition software (SRS) programs are modeled after the manual style of learning with [[flashcard]]s: items to memorize are entered into the program as question-answer pairs. When a pair is due to be reviewed, the question is displayed on screen, and the user must attempt to answer. After answering, the user manually reveals the answer and then tells the program (subjectively) how difficult answering was. The program schedules pairs based on spaced repetition algorithms.
Without a program, the user has to schedule [[flashcard]]s; this is time-intensive and limits users to simple algorithms like the [[Leitner system]].<ref>[https://www.theguardian.com/education/2016/jan/23/spaced-repetition-a-hack-to-make-your-brain-store-information "Spaced repetition: a hack to make your brain store information", The Guardian, retrieved 2016-04-26]</ref>

Further refinements with regard to software:
* Questions and/or answers can be a sound-file to train recognition of spoken words.
* Automatic generation of pairs (e.g. for vocabulary, it is useful to generate three question-pairs: ''written foreign word'', its ''pronunciation'' and its ''meaning'', but data only has to be entered once.)
* Additional information retrieved automatically is available, such as example sentences containing a word.
* Opportunities to combine spaced repetition with online community functions, e.g. sharing courses.

Notable implementations include

[[Anki (software)|Anki]], [[Brainscape]], [[Cerego]], [[Course Hero]], [[Duolingo]], [[Lingvist]], [[Memrise]], [[Mnemosyne (software)|Mnemosyne]], [[Skritter]], [[SuperMemo]], [[Synap]] and [[WaniKani]].

==Further reading==
* Caple, C. (1996). "The Effects of Spaced Practice and Spaced Review on Recall and Retention Using Computer Assisted Instruction". Dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Education, North Carolina State University.[http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/custom/portlets/recordDetails/detailmini.jsp?_nfpb=true&_&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=ED427772&ERICExtSearch_SearchType_0=no&accno=ED427772]
* de Boer, V. (2003, August). "Optimal Learning and the Spacing Effect: Theory, Application and Experiments based on the Memory Chain Model". Artificial Intelligence Master's Thesis for Computational Psychology, University of Amsterdam.[http://www.few.vu.nl/~vbr240/publications/Scriptie.pdf]
* Dempster, F. N. (1988). "The Spacing Effect: A Case Study in the Failure to Apply the Results of Psychological Research". American Psychologist, 43(8), 627-634.
* Greene R. L. (2008). Repetition and spacing effects. In Roediger H. L. III (Ed.), Learning and memory: A comprehensive reference. Vol. 2: Cognitive psychology of memory (pp. 65–78). Oxford: Elsevier.
* The Guardian (2016). "Spaced Repetition: A hack to make your brain learn more information". [https://www.theguardian.com/education/2016/jan/23/spaced-repetition-a-hack-to-make-your-brain-store-information]
* Karpicke, J. D., & Roediger, H. L. (2007). "Expanding Retrieval Practice Promotes Short-Term Retention, but Equally Spaced Retrieval Enhances Long-Term Retention". ''Journal of Experimental Psychology'': Learning, * Memory, and Cognition, 33(4), 704-719.[http://psych.wustl.edu/memory/Roddy%20article%20PDF%27s/Karpicke_Roediger_2007_JEPLMC.pdf]
* {{Cite journal | doi = 10.1016/j.juro.2006.11.074 | last1 = Kerfoot | first1 = B. P. | last2 = Baker | first2 = H. E. | last3 = Koch | first3 = M. O. | last4 = Connelly | first4 = D. | last5 = Joseph | first5 = D. B. | last6 = Ritchey | first6 = M. L. | year = 2007 | title = Randomized, Controlled Trial of Spaced Education to Urology Residents in the United States and Canada | url = | journal = The Journal of Urology | volume = 177 | issue = 4| pages = 1481–1487 | pmid = 17382760 }}
* Pavlik, P. I. (2005). ''The Microeconomics of Learning: Optimizing Paired-Associate Memory''. PhD, [[Carnegie Mellon]].
* {{Cite journal | last1 = Pavlik | first1 = P. I. | last2 = Anderson | first2 = J. R. | year = 2008 | title = Using a model to compute the optimal schedule of practice | journal = Journal of Experimental Psychology | volume = 14 | issue = 2| pages = 101–117 | pmid = 18590367 | doi = 10.1037/1076-898X.14.2.101 }}
* {{cite web|url=http://www.supermemo.com/articles/20rules.htm|title=Effective learning: Twenty rules of formulating knowledge|author=Dr Piotr Wozniak|date=Feb 1999}} — advice on making flashcards for spaced repetition.

==References==
{{Reflist}}

{{Spaced repetition}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Spaced Repetition}}
[[Category:Memory]]
[[Category:Learning methods]]
[[Category:Learning psychology]]
[[Category:Spaced repetition software| ]]

Kindheit und Jugend auf Samoa

2016-08-29T01:54:02Z

RubyQ: /* Anthropological reception and reactions */ This last sentence of the paragraph would tend to alter the thrust of the whole paragraph. The preceding sentences have citations, this does not. A citation would be in order here.

{{POV|date=November 2013}}
{{Infobox book
| name = Coming of Age in Samoa
| title_orig = | translator =
| image = Coming of age in Samoa title page.jpg
| caption = Original title page (1928).
| author = [[Margaret Mead]]
| illustrator = | cover_artist =
| country = United States
| language = English
| genre = {{nowrap|[[Culture of Samoa|Samoan culture and society]]}}
| publisher = {{nowrap|[[William Morrow and Company|William Morrow and Co.]]}}
| release_date = 1928
| media_type = {{nowrap|Print ([[Paperback]])}}
| pages = 297
| isbn = | congress =
| followed_by =
}}
{{Anthropology of kinship |studies}}

'''''Coming of Age in Samoa''''' is a book by American [[Anthropology|anthropologist]] [[Margaret Mead]] based upon her research and study of youth – primarily [[Adolescence|adolescent]] girls – on the island of [[Tau, American Samoa|Ta'u]] in the [[Samoan Islands]]. First published in 1928, the book launched Mead as a pioneering researcher and as the most famous anthropologist in the world. Since its first publication, ''Coming of Age in Samoa'' was the most widely read book in the field of anthropology until [[Napoleon Chagnon|Napoleon Chagnon's]] ''Yanomamö: The Fierce People'' overtook it. The book has sparked years of ongoing and intense debate and controversy on questions pertaining to [[society]], [[culture]], and science. It is a key text in the [[nature and nurture]] debate, as well as in discussions on issues relating to family, adolescence, gender, [[Norm (social)|social norms]], and attitudes.<ref>{{cite book |title=A Century of Women : The Most Influential Events in Twentieth-Century Women's History |last=Felder |first=Deoborah G.|year=2003 |publisher=Citadel Press |isbn= 0-8065-2526-6|pages=135, 135 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0yrMbNGvVSIC&dq=Margaret+Mead+coming+of+Age+in+Samoa&source=gbs_navlinks_s |accessdate= 29 August 2010}}</ref> Although Mead's work has been very influential some of her most significant claims about Samoan culture have been criticized and contradicted by subsequent research. Particularly the anthropologist [[Derek Freeman]] has contested many of Mead's claims, and argued that she was hoaxed into counterfactually believing that Samoan culture had more relaxed sexual norms than Western culture.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Pinker |first1=Steven |title=How the Mind Works |date=June 22, 2009 |publisher=W. W. Norton & Company |isbn=0393334775 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5cXKQUh6bVQC&pg=PA368&lpg=PA368&dq=Margaret+Mead+Steven+Pinker&source=bl&ots=4QqlG3cV4O&sig=j9I8fkgtM5hO10wziQ9qGfDw2Xk&hl=en&sa=X&ei=CXIXVIu4LYGwjALBwIHgDQ&ved=0CGUQ6AEwCA#v=onepage&q=Margaret%20Mead%20Steven%20Pinker&f=false |accessdate=15 September 2014 |quote=Margaret Mead disseminated the incredible claim that Samoans have no passions -- no anger between parents and children or between a cuckold and seducer, no revenge, no lasting love or bereavement,... no adolescent turmoil. Derek Freman and other anthropologists found that Samoan society in fact had widespread adolescent resentment and deliquency, a cult of virginity. frequent rape, reprisals by rape victim's families,... sexual jealousy and strong religious feeling.}}</ref>

== Content ==
[[File:FranzBoas.jpg|thumb|right|160px|Franz Boas]]

===Foreword===
In the foreword to ''Coming of Age in Samoa'', Mead's advisor, [[Franz Boas]], wrote:
<blockquote>Courtesy, modesty, good manners, conformity to definite ethical standards are universal, but what constitutes courtesy, modesty, good manners, and definite ethical standards is not universal. It is instructive to know that standards differ in the most unexpected ways.</blockquote>
Boas went on to point out that, at the time of publication, many Americans had begun to discuss the problems faced by young people (particularly women) as they pass through [[adolescence]] as "unavoidable periods of adjustment". Boas felt that a study of the problems faced by adolescents in another culture would be illuminating.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=XIII-XV |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014 |chapter=Forward by Franz Boas}}</ref>

===Introduction===
[[File:Margaret Mead NYWTS.jpg|thumb|right|220px|Margaret Mead]]
Mead introduces the book with a general discussion of the problems facing adolescents in modern society and the various approaches to understanding these problems: religion, philosophy, educational theory and psychology. She discusses various limitations in each approach and then introduces the new field of [[anthropology]] as a promising alternative science based on analyzing social structures and dynamics. She contrasts the methodology of the anthropologist with other scientific studies of behavior and the obvious reasons that controlled experiments are so much more difficult for anthropology than other sciences. For this reason her methodology is one of studying societies in their natural environment. Rather than select a culture that is fairly well understood such as Europe or America she chooses South Sea island people because their culture is radically different from western culture and likely to yield more useful data as a result. However, in so doing she introduces new complexity in that she must first understand and communicate to her readers the nature of South Sea culture itself rather than delve directly into issues of adolescence as she could in a more familiar culture. Once she has an understanding of Samoan culture she will delve into the specifics of how adolescent education and socialization are carried out in Samoan culture and contrast it with western culture.

Mead described the goal of her research as follows: "I have tried to answer the question which sent me to Samoa: Are the disturbances which vex our adolescents due to the nature of adolescence itself or to the civilization? Under different conditions does adolescence present a different picture?"

To answer this question, she conducted her study among a small group of Samoans. She found a village of 600 people on the island of [[Tau, Samoa|Ta'ū]], in which, over a period of between six and nine months, she got to know, lived with, observed, and interviewed (having learnt some Samoan) 68 young women between the ages of 9 and 20. Mead studied daily living, education, social structures and dynamics, rituals, etiquette, etc.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=1–14 |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014 |chapter=Introduction}}</ref>

===Samoan life and education===
[[File:3 Samoan girls-1902.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Samoan girls ({{circa|1902}})]]
Mead begins with the description of a typical idyllic day in Samoa. Then she describes child education starting with the birth of children which is celebrated with a lengthy ritual feast. After birth however, Mead describes how children are mostly ignored, for girl children sometimes explicitly ritually ignored, after birth up to puberty. She describes the various methods of disciplining children. Most involve some sort of corporal punishment such as hitting with hands, palm fronds, or shells. However, the punishment is mostly ritualistic and not meant to inflict serious harm. Children are expected to contribute meaningful work from a very early age. Initially, young children of both sexes help to care for infants. As the children grow older however the education of the boys shifts to fishing while the girls focus more on child care. However, the concept of age for the Samoans is not the same as the west. They don't keep track of birth days and they judge maturity not on actual number of years alive but on the outward physical changes in the child. As a child gets bigger and stronger he or she gets more work and responsibility.

Mead describes some specific skills the children must learn related to weaving and fishing and then almost casually interjects the first description of Samoan sexuality saying that in addition to work for adolescent girls "All of her [additional] interest is expended on clandestine sex adventures". This comes directly after a passage where Mead describes how a reputation for laziness can make an adolescent girl a poor candidate for marriage, implying that for Samoans a work ethic is more important criteria for marriage than virginity.

Male adolescents undergo various kinds of both encouragement and punishment to make them competitive and aggressive. For the males there are many different possible jobs (e.g. "a house builder, a fisherman, an orator, a wood carver") in the community. Status is also a balance between prowess and achievement and appearing humble. Also, "social prestige is increased by his amorous exploits".

For the adolescent girls status is primarily a question of who they will marry. Mead also describes adolescence and the time before marriage as the high point of a Samoan girls life: "But the seventeen year old girl does not wish to marry -- not yet. It is better to live as a girl with no responsibility, and a rich variety of experience. This is the best period of her life."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=14–39 |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref>

===Samoan household===
[[File:Three Samoan women preparing to make kava, ca. 1890.jpg|thumb|Three Samoan women preparing to make [[kava]] ({{c.|1890}}).]]
The next section describes the structure of a Samoan village: "a Samoan village is made up of some thirty to forty households, each of which is presided over by a head man." Each household is an extended family including widows and widowers. The household shares houses communally, each household has several houses but no members have ownership or permanent residence of any specific building. The houses may not all be within the same part of the village. The head man of the household has ultimate authority over the group. Mead describes how the extended family provides security and safety for Samoan children. Children are likely to be near relatives no matter where they are and any child that is missing will be missed quite rapidly. The household also provides freedom for children including girls. According to Mead if a girl is unhappy with the particular relatives she happens to live with she can always simply move to a different home within the same household. Mead also describes the various and fairly complex status relations which are a combination of factors such as role in the household, the households status within the village, the age of the individual, etc. There are also many rules of etiquette for requesting and granting favors.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=39–58 |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref>

===Samoan social structures and rules===
[[File:Samoan female ceremonial dancer, by Thomas Andrew, c. 1890s.jpg|thumb|Samoan female ceremonial dancer (Thomas Andrew, {{c.|1890s}}).]]
Mead describes the many group structures and dynamics within Samoan culture. The forming of groups is an important part of Samoan life from early childhood when young children form groups for play and mischief. There are several different kinds of possible group structures in Samoan culture. Relations flow down from chiefs and heads of households; men designate another man to be their aid and surrogate in courting rituals; men form groups for fishing and other work activities; women form groups based on child caring and household relations, etc. Mead describes examples of such groups and describes the complex rules that govern how they are formed and how they function. Her emphasis is on Samoan adolescent girls but as elsewhere she needs to also describe Samoan social structures for the entire culture to give a complete picture.

Mead believes that the complex and mandatory rules that govern these various groups mean that the traditional western concept of friendship as a bond entered into voluntarily by two people with compatible interests is all but meaningless for Samoan girls: "...friendship is so patterned as to be meaningless. I once asked a young married woman if a neighbor with whom she was always upon the most uncertain and irritated terms was a friend of hers. 'Why, of course, her mother's father's father, and my father's mother's father were brothers".

The ritual requirements (e.g. being able to remember specifics about family relations and roles) are far greater for men than women. This also translates into significant more responsibility being put on men than women: "a man who commits adultery with a chief's wife was beaten and banished, sometime even drowned by the outraged community, but the woman was only cast out by her husband."

Mead devotes a whole chapter to Samoan music and the role of dancing and singing in Samoan culture. She views these as significant because they violate the norms of what Samoans define as good behavior in all other activities and provide a unique outlet for Samoans to express their individuality. According to Mead there is normally no greater social failing that demonstrating an excess of pride or as the Samoans describe it "presuming above one's age". However, this is not the case when it comes to singing and dancing. In these activities individuality and creativity are the most highly praised attributes and children are free to express themselves to the fullest extent of their capabilities rather than being concerned with appropriate behavior based on age and status:
<blockquote>The attitude of the elders toward precocity in... singing or dancing, is in striking contrast to their attitude towards every other form of precocity. On the dance floor the dreaded accusation 'You are presuming above your age' is never heard. Little boys who would be rebuked or whipped for such behavior on any other occasion are allowed to preen themselves, to swagger and bluster and take the limelight without a word of reproach. The relatives crow with delight over a precocity for which they would hide their heads in shame were it displayed in any other sphere... Often a dancer does not pay enough attention to her fellow dancers to avoid continually colliding with them. It is a genuine orgy of aggressive individualistic behavior.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=59–122 |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref></blockquote>

=== Personality, sexuality, old age===
[[File:Samoan women in traditional dress, ca 1910s.jpg|thumb|Samoan women in traditional dress ({{c.|1910s}}).]]
Mead describes the psychology of the individual Samoan as being simpler, more honest, and less driven by sexual neuroses than the west. She describes Samoans as being much more comfortable with issues such as menstruation and more casual about non-monogamous sexual relations.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |quote=Samoans rate romantic fidelity in terms of days or weeks at most, and are inclined to scoff at tales of life-long devotion. They greeted the story of Romeo and Juliet with incredulous contempts. |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref> Part of the reason for this is the extended family structure of Samoan villages. Conflicts that might result in arguments or breaks within a traditional western family can be defused in Samoan families simply by having one of the parties to the conflict relocate to a different home that is part of the household within the village.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |quote=The ease with which personality differences can be adjusted by a change of residence prevents the Samoans from pressing one another too hard. |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref> Another reason Mead cites is that Samoans do not seem eager to give judgemental answers to questions. Mead describes how one of the things that made her research difficult was that Samoans would often answer just about every question with non-committal answers, the Samoan equivalent to shrugging one's shoulders and saying "Who knows?".

Mead concludes the section of the book dealing with Samoan life with a description of Samoan old age. For Samoan women in old age: "[the old women] are usually more of a power within the householde than the old men. The men rule partly by the authority conferred by their titles, but their wives and sisters rule by force of personality and knowledge of human nature."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=122–195 |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref>

=== Educational problems: American and Samoan contrasts ===
[[File:Portrait of three Samoan girls, by Thomas Andrew, ca. 1890s.jpg|thumb|Portrait of three Samoan girls (Thomas Andrew, {{c.|1890s}}).]]
Mead concluded that the passage from childhood to adulthood (adolescence) in Samoa was a smooth transition and not marked by the emotional or psychological distress, anxiety, or confusion seen in the United States.

Mead concluded that this was due to the Samoan girl's belonging to a stable, monocultural society, surrounded by role models, and where nothing concerning the basic human facts of copulation, birth, bodily functions, or death, was hidden. The Samoan girl was not pressured to choose from among a variety of conflicting values, as was the American girl. Mead commented, somewhat satirically:
<blockquote>
... [an American] girl's father may be a Presbyterian, an imperialist, a vegetarian, a teetotaller, with a strong literary preference for [[Edmund Burke]], a believer in the open shop and a high tariff, who believes that women's place is in the home, that young girls should wear corsets, not roll their stockings, not smoke, nor go riding with young men in the evening. But her mother's father may be a Low Episcopalian, a believer in high living, a strong advocate of States' Rights and the [[Monroe Doctrine]], who reads [[Rabelais]], likes to go to musical shows and horse races. Her aunt is an agnostic, an ardent advocate of women's rights, an internationalist who rests all her hopes on [[Esperanto]], is devoted to [[George Bernard Shaw|Bernard Shaw]], and spends her spare time in campaigns of anti-vivisection. Her elder brother, whom she admires exceedingly, has just spent two years at Oxford. He is an Anglo-Catholic, an enthusiast concerning all things medieval, writes mystical poetry, reads Chesterton, and means to devote his life to seeking for the lost secret of medieval stained glass. Her mother's younger brother...<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mead |first1=Margaret |title=Coming of Age in Samoa |date=1928 |publisher=William Morrow Paperbacks |isbn=978-0688050337 |pages=195–234 |url=https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead |accessdate=3 October 2014}}</ref></blockquote>

== Reception ==

On publication, the book generated a great deal of coverage both in the academic world and in the popular press. Mead's publisher ([[William Morrow (publisher)|William Morrow]]) had lined up many endorsements from well known academics such as anthropologist [[Bronislaw Malinowski]] and psychologist [[John Watson (psychologist)|John Watson]]. Their praise was a major public relations coup for Morris and drew popular attention to the book. Academic interest was soon followed by sensational headlines such as "Samoa is the Place for Women" and that Samoa is "Where Neuroses Cease".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Shankman |first1=Paul |title=The Trashing of Margaret Mead |publisher=The University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=978-0-299-23454-6 |page=113}}</ref>

===Impact on anthropology===
For most anthropologists before Mead, detailed immersive field work was not a common practice. Although subsequent reviews of her work have revealed faults by the standards of modern anthropology, at the time the book was published the idea of living with native people was fairly ground breaking. The use of cross-cultural comparison to highlight issues within Western society was highly influential and contributed greatly to the heightened awareness of anthropology and ethnographic study in the United States. It established Mead as a substantial figure in American anthropology, a position she would maintain for the next fifty years.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Shankman |first1=Paul |title=The Trashing of Margaret Mead |publisher=The University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=978-0-299-23454-6 |pages=94–95}}</ref>

===Social influences and reactions===
As Boas and Mead expected, this book upset many Westerners when it first appeared in 1928. Many American readers felt shocked by her observation that young Samoan women deferred marriage for many years while enjoying [[casual sex]] before eventually choosing a husband. As a landmark study regarding sexual mores, the book was highly controversial and frequently came under attack on ideological grounds. For example, the ''[[National Catholic Register]]'' argued that Mead's findings were merely a projection of her own sexual beliefs and reflected her desire to eliminate restrictions on her own sexuality.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Wiker |first1=Benjamin |title=Margaret Mead's Flights of Fancy in Samoa |url=http://www.discovery.org/a/1169 |website=discovery.org |publisher=National Catholic Register |accessdate=29 September 2014 |date=May 19, 2002}}</ref> The [[Traditionalist conservatism|traditionalist conservative]] [[Intercollegiate Studies Institute]] listed ''Coming of Age in Samoa'' as #1 in the list of what it thinks are the "50 Worst Books of the Twentieth Century".<ref>{{cite web |last1=Henrie |first1=Mark |title=THE INTERCOLLEGIATE REVIEW — Fall 1999 3 The Fifty Worst (and Best) Books of the Century |url=http://www.mmisi.org/ir/35_01/50worst.pdf |website=mmisi.org |publisher=The Intercollegiate Review |accessdate=29 September 2014 |date=Fall 1999 |quote=So amusing did the natives find the white womanís prurient questions that they told her the wildest tales and she believed them! Mead misled a generation into believing that the fantasies of sexual progressives were an historical reality on an island far, far away.|display-authors=etal}}</ref>

===Critique of Mead's methodology and conclusions===
Although ''Coming of Age'' received significant interest and praise from the academic community, Mead's research methodology also came in for criticism from several reviewers and fellow anthropologists. Mead was criticized for not separating her personal speculation and opinions from her ethnographic description of Samoan life and for making sweeping generalizations based on a relative short period of study. For example, [[Nels Anderson]] wrote about the book: "If it is science, the book is somewhat of a disappointment. It lacks a documental base. It is given too much to interpretation instead of description. Dr. Mead forgets too often that that she is an anthropologist and gets her own personality involved with her materials."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Shankman |first1=Paul |title=The Trashing of Margaret Mead |publisher=The University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=978-0-299-23454-6 |pages=114–115}}</ref> Shortly after Mead's death, [[Derek Freeman]] published a book that claimed Mead failed to apply the scientific method and that her assertions were unsupported. This criticism is dealt with in detail in the section below.<ref>"Mead ignored violence in Samoan life, did not have a sufficient background in – or give enough emphasis to – the influence of biology on behavior, did not spend enough time in Samoa, and was not familiar enough with the Samoan language." Library of Congress, "Afterward: Derek Freeman and Margaret Mead."</ref>

== The Mead–Freeman controversy ==

===''Margaret Mead and Samoa''===
[[File:Derek Freeman.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Derek Freeman]]
In 1983, five years after Mead had died, [[Derek Freeman]] – a fluent Samoan speaker who was inducted into Samoan tribal society – published ''Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth'', in which he challenged all of Mead's major findings. In 1988, he participated in the filming of ''Margaret Mead in Samoa'', directed by Frank Heimans, which claims to document one of Mead's original informants, now an elderly woman, swearing that the information she and her friend provided Mead when they were teenagers was false; one of the girls would say of Mead on videotape years later:

<blockquote>We girls would pinch each other and tell her we were out with the boys. We were only joking but she took it seriously. As you know, Samoan girls are terrific liars and love making fun of people but Margaret thought it was all true.<ref>{{cite video |title=Margaret Mead and Samoa |year=1987 |author=Frank Heimans |time=41:20 |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GOCYhmnx6o8}}</ref></blockquote>

Another of Mead's statements on which Freeman focused was her claim that through the use of chicken blood, Samoan girls could and do lie about their status of virginity.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Freman |first1=Derek |title=Social Organization of Manu A (1930 and 1969) By Margaret Mead: Some Eratta [sic?] |journal=Journal of the Polynesian Society |date=March 1972 |volume=81 |issue=1 |url=http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/20704828?uid=3739560&uid=2&uid=4&uid=3739256&sid=21104242603271 |accessdate=29 September 2014 |doi=10.2307/20704828}}</ref> Freeman pointed out that virginity of the bride is so crucial to the status of Samoan men that they have a specific ritual in which the bride's hymen is manually ruptured in public, by the groom himself or by the chief, making deception via chicken blood impossible. On this ground, Freeman argued that Mead must have based her account on (false) hearsay from non-Samoan sources.<ref>"In 1943, knowing what I did of the rite of ''fa'amasei'au'', I felt certain that Mead's account was in error and could not have come from any Samoan source.Derek Freeman, [http://www.jstor.org/pss/681822 "All Made of Fantasy": A Rejoinder to Paul Shankman], ''[[American Anthropologist]]'' 100 (4): 972-983 (1999).</ref>

The argument hinged on the place of the ''taupou'' system in Samoan society. According to Mead, the taupou system is one of institutionalized virginity for young women of high rank, and it is exclusive to women of high rank. According to Freeman, all Samoan women emulated the taupou system, and Mead's informants denied having engaged in casual sex as young women and claimed that they had lied to Mead.<ref>[[Derek Freeman]] (1983). ''Margaret Mead and Samoa''. Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-54830-2.</ref>

===Anthropological reception and reactions===
After an initial flurry of discussion, many anthropologists concluded that Freeman systematically misrepresented Mead's views on the relationship between nature and nurture, as well as the data on Samoan culture. According to Freeman's colleague Robin Fox, Freeman "seemed to have a special place in hell reserved for Margaret Mead, for reasons not at all clear at that time."<ref>Fox, Robin 2004 ''Participant Observer: Memoir of a Transatlantic Life'' New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, page 339.</ref>

Moreover, many field and comparative studies by anthropologists have since found that adolescence is not experienced in the same way in all societies. Systematic cross-cultural study of adolescence by Schlegel and Barry, for example, concluded that adolescents experience harmonious relations with their families in most non-industrialized societies around the world.<ref>{{cite journal |author=Scheper-Hughes, Nancy |year=1984 |title=The Margaret Mead Controversy: Culture, Biology, and Anthropological Inquiry |url=http://sfaa.metapress.com/openurl.asp?genre=article&issn=0018-7259&volume=43&issue=1&spage=85 |journal=Human Organization |volume=43 |issue=1 |pages=85–93}}</ref> They find that, when family members need each other throughout their lives, independence, as expressed in adolescent rebelliousness, is minimal and counterproductive. Adolescents are likely to be rebellious only in industrialized societies practicing neolocal residence patterns (in which young adults must move their residence away from their parents). Neolocal residence patterns result from young adults living in industrial societies who move to take new jobs or in similar geographically mobile populations. Thus, Mead's analysis of adolescent conflict is upheld in the comparative literature on societies worldwide.<ref name="ReferenceA">See Appell 1984, Brady 1991, Feinberg 1988, Leacock 1988, Levy 1984, Marshall 1993, Nardi 1984, Patience and Smith 1986, Paxman 1988, Scheper-Hughes 1984, Shankman 1996, and Young and Juan 1985.</ref>

First, these critics have speculated that he waited until Mead died before publishing his critique so that she would not be able to respond. However, in 1978, Freeman sent a revised manuscript to Mead, but she was ill and died a few months later without responding.

Second, Freeman's critics point out that, by the time he arrived on the scene, Mead's original informants were old women, grandmothers, and had converted to [[Christianity]], so their testimony to him may not have been accurate. They further argue that Samoan culture had changed considerably in the decades following Mead's original research, that after intense missionary activity many Samoans had come to adopt the same sexual standards as the Americans who were once so shocked by Mead's book. They suggested that such women, in this new context, were unlikely to speak frankly about their adolescent behavior. Further, they suggested that these women might not be as forthright and honest about their sexuality when speaking to an elderly man as they would have been speaking to a woman near their own age.<ref name="ReferenceA"/> However all of the women concerned were already Christians at the time of their interviews as teenagers.{{Citation needed}}

Some anthropologists criticized Freeman on methodological and empirical grounds.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = The Trashing of Margaret Mead: Anatomy of an Anthropological Controversy|url = http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-011-9843-0|journal = Archives of Sexual Behavior|date = 2011-09-14|issn = 0004-0002|pages = 1341–1343|volume = 40|issue = 6|doi = 10.1007/s10508-011-9843-0|language = en|first = Alice|last = Dreger}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|title = The "Fateful Hoaxing" of Margaret Mead: A Cautionary Tale|url = http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/669033|journal = Current Anthropology|date = 2013-02-01|issn = 0011-3204|pages = 51–70|volume = 54|issue = 1|doi = 10.1086/669033|first = Paul|last = Shankman}}</ref> For example, they claimed that Freeman had conflated publicly articulated ideals with behavioral norms—that is, while many Samoan women would admit in public that it is ideal to remain a virgin, in practice they engaged in high levels of premarital sex and boasted about their sexual affairs among themselves.<ref>Brad Shore 1982 ''Sala'ilua: A Samoan Mystery'' New York: Columbia University Press.</ref> Freeman's own data documented the existence of premarital sexual activity in Samoa. In a western Samoan village, he documented that 20% of 15-year-olds, 30% of 16-year-olds, and 40% of 17-year-olds had engaged in premarital sex.<ref>Freeman, 1983: 238-240.</ref> In 1983, the [[American Anthropological Association]] held a special session to discuss Freeman's book; to which they did not invite him. Their criticism was made formal at the 82nd annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association the next month in Chicago, where a special session, to which Freeman was not invited, was held to discuss his book.<ref name="Freeman obit (NYT)">{{cite news |url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9806E0DD103CF936A3575BC0A9679C8B63 |work=The New York Times |first=John |last=Shaw |title=Derek Freeman, Who Challenged Margaret Mead on Samoa, Dies at 84 |date=2001-08-05}}</ref> They passed a motion declaring Freeman's ''Margaret Mead and Samoa'' "poorly written, unscientific, irresponsible and misleading." Freeman commented that "to seek to dispose of a major scientific issue by a show of hands is a striking demonstration of the way in which belief can come to dominate the thinking of scholars."<ref name="Freeman obit (NYT)"/>

In the years that followed, anthropologists vigorously debated these issues. Notable scholars who published on the issue include Appell, who stated "I found Freeman’s argument to be completely convincing",<ref>http://www.gnappell.org/articles/freeman.htm</ref> Brady, "Freeman's book discovers little but tends to reinforce what many anthropologists already suspected" regarding the adequacy of Mead's ethnography, Feinberg, Leacock, Levy, Marshall, Nardi, Patience, Paxman, Scheper-Hughes, Shankman, Young and Juan.<ref>Appell 1984, Brady 1991, Feinberg 1988, Leacock 1988, Levy 1984, Marshall 1993, Nardi 1984, Patience and Smith 1986, Paxman 1988, Scheper-Hughes 1984, Shankman 1996, Young and Juan 1985, and Shankman 2009.</ref>

Much like Mead's work, Freeman's account has been challenged as being ideologically driven to support his own theoretical viewpoint ([[sociobiology]] and [[interactionism]]), as well as assigning Mead a high degree of gullibility and bias. Freeman's refutation of Samoan sexual mores has been challenged, in turn, as being based on public declarations of sexual morality, virginity, and ''taupou'' rather than on actual sexual practices within Samoan society during the period of Mead's research.<ref>{{cite journal |author=Shankman, Paul |year=1996 |title=The History of Samoan Sexual Conduct and the Mead-Freeman Controversy |url= |journal=American Anthropologist |volume=98 |issue=3 |pages=555–567 |doi=10.1525/aa.1996.98.3.02a00090}}</ref>

Lowell Holmes – who completed a lesser-publicized restudy – commented later: "Mead was better able to identify with, and therefore establish rapport with, adolescents and young adults on issues of sexuality than either I (at age 29, married with a wife and child) or Freeman, ten years my senior."<ref name="Holmes-1992">Holmes & Holmes, 1992.</ref>

In 1996, Martin Orans examined Mead's notes preserved at the [[Library of Congress]], crediting her for leaving all her recorded data as available to the general public. Orans concludes that Freeman's basic criticism – that Mead was duped by ceremonial virgin Fa'apua'a Fa'amu (who later swore to Freeman that she had played a joke on Mead) – was false for several reasons: first, Mead was well aware of the forms and frequency of Samoan joking; second, she provided a careful account of the sexual restrictions on ceremonial virgins that corresponds to Fa'apua'a Fa'amu's account to Freeman; and third, that Mead's notes make clear that she had reached her conclusions about Samoan sexuality before meeting Fa'apua'a Fa'amu. He therefore concludes, contrary to Freeman, that Mead was never the victim of a hoax. Orans points out that Mead's data supports several different conclusions, and that Mead's conclusions hinge on an interpretive or fabricated, rather than positivist, approach to culture. Orans concludes that due to Mead's interpretive approach – common to most contemporary cultural anthropology – her hypotheses and conclusions are essentially unfalsifiable and therefore "[[not even wrong]]".<ref>Orans, Martin 1996 ''Not Even Wrong: Margaret Mead, Derek Freeman, and the Samoans.''</ref>

In 1999, Freeman published the book ''The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research''. It included new material, in particular interviews that Freeman called of "exceptional historical significance" and "of quite fundamental importance" of one of Mead's then adolescent informants by a Samoan chief from the [[National University of Samoa]] (in 1988 and 1993) and of her daughter (in 1995).<ref>''The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research'', Acknowledgments</ref> Correspondence of 1925-1926 between Franz Boas and Margaret Mead was also newly available to Freeman. He concludes in the introduction to the book that "her exciting revelations about sexual behavior were in some cases merely the extrapolations of whispered intimacies, whereas those of greatest consequence were the results of a prankish hoax."

== See also ==
* [[Culture of Samoa]]
* ''[[Heretic (play)|Heretic]]'', a play by Australian playwright [[David Williamson]] that explores Freeman's reactions to Mead.
* ''[[The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia]]''

== References ==
{{reflist|30em}}

===Notations===
* {{cite journal |author=Acciaioli, Gregory, ed. |year=1983 |title=Fact and Context in Etnography: The Samoa Controversy (special edition) |journal=Canberra Anthropology |volume=6 |issue=1 |pages= 1–97 |issn=0314-9099 |url=http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=g919276691}}
* {{Cite journal |author=Appell, George |year=1984 |title=Freeman's Refutation of Mead's ''Coming of Age in Samoa'': The Implications for Anthropological Inquiry |url=http://gnappell.org/articles/freeman.htm |journal=Eastern Anthropology |volume=37 |issue= |pages=183–214}}
*[[Mary Catherine Bateson]], ''With a Daughter's Eye''. 1984 ISBN 0-688-03962-6, (2003 ppb ISBN 0-06-097573-3)
* {{Cite journal |author=Brady, Ivan. |year=1991 |title=''The Samoa Reader'': Last Word or Lost Horizon? |journal=Current Anthropology |volume=32 |issue=4 |pages=263–282 |jstor=2743829 |url=http://www.oswego.edu/~brady/library%20items/samoa.pdf |format=PDF |doi=10.1086/203989}}
* [[Hiram Caton]], Editor (1990). "The Samoa Reader: Anthropologists Take Stock". University Press of America. ISBN 0-8191-7720-2.
* {{Cite journal |doi=10.1525/aa.1988.90.3.02a00080 |author=Feinberg, Richard |year=1988 |title=Margaret Mead and Samoa: ''Coming of Age'' in Fact and Fiction |url= |journal=American Anthropologist |volume=90 |issue= |pages=656–663}}
* Leonora Foerstel and Angela Gilliam (eds) (1992). ''Confronting the Margaret Mead Legacy: Scholarship, Empire and the South Pacific''. Philadelphia: Temple University Press
* [[Derek Freeman]] (1999). ''[http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=85907444 The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research]''. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-3693-7.
*Hilary Lapsley (1999) ''Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict: The Kinship of Women'' [[University of Massachusetts Press]]. ISBN 1-55849-181-3
*Lowell D. Holmes (1987) ''Quest for the Real Samoa: the Mead/Freeman Controversy and Beyond''. South Hadley: Bergin and Garvey
*[[Jane Howard (journalist)|Howard, Jane]] (1984) ''Margaret Mead: A Life.'' New York: Simon & Schuster.
* {{Cite journal |author=Leacock, Eleanor |year=1988 |title=Anthropologists in Search of a Culture: Margaret Mead, Derek Freeman and All the Rest of Us |url= |journal=Central Issues in Anthropology |volume=8 |issue=1 |pages=3–20 |doi=10.1525/cia.1988.8.1.3}}
* {{Cite journal |author=Levy, Robert |year=1984 |title=Mead, Freeman, and Samoa: The Problem of Seeing Things as They Are |url= |journal=Ethos |volume=12 |issue= |pages=85–92 |doi=10.1525/eth.1984.12.1.02a00060}}
* {{Cite journal |author=Mageo, Jeannette |year=1988 |title=''Malosi'': A Psychological Exploration of Mead's and Freeman's Work and of Samoan Aggression |url=http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/u?/PacificStudies,860 |journal=Pacific Studies |volume=11 |issue=2 |pages=25–65}}
* {{Cite journal |author=Marshall, Mac. |year=1993 |title=The Wizard from Oz Meets the Wicked Witch of the East: Freeman, Mead, and Ethnographic Authority |url= |journal=American Ethnologist |volume=20 |issue=3 |pages=604–617 |doi=10.1525/ae.1993.20.3.02a00080}}
* {{Cite journal |doi=10.2307/3177870 |author=Nardi, Bonnie |authorlink=Bonnie Nardi |last2=Mead |year=1984 |first2=Margaret |last3=Freeman |first3=Derek |title=The Height of Her Powers: Margaret Mead's Samoa |jstor=3177870 |journal=Feminist Studies |volume=10 |issue=2 |pages=323–337}}
* {{Cite journal |author1=Patience, Allan |author2=Josephy Smith |year=1987 |title=Derek Freeman in Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of a Biobehavioral Myth |url= |journal=American Anthropologist |volume=88 |issue= |pages=157–162 |doi=10.1525/aa.1986.88.1.02a00160}}
* {{Cite journal |author=Paxman, David B. |year=1988 |title=Freeman, Mead, and the Eighteenth-Century Controversy over Polynesian Society |url=http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/u?/PacificStudies,879 |journal=Pacific Studies |volume=11 |issue=3 |pages=1–19}}
* Sandall, Roger 2001 ''The Culture Cult: Designer Tribalism and Other Essays'' ISBN 0-8133-3863-8
* Schlegal, Alice and Herbert Barry III 1991 "Adolescence: An anthropological inquiry". New York: Free Press. ISBN 978-0-02-927895-6.
* {{cite book |title=The Thrashing of Margaret Mead: Anatomy of an Anthropological Controversy |author=Shankman, Paul |year=2009 |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |ISBN=978-0-299-23454-6}}
* {{Cite journal |author1=Young, R.E. |author2=S. Juan. |year=1985 |title=Freeman's Margaret Mead Myth: The Ideological Virginity of Anthropologists |url= |journal=Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology |volume=21 |issue=1 |pages=64–81 |doi=10.1177/144078338502100104}}
* Virginia, Mary E. "DISCovering U.S. History", Benedict, Ruth (1887–1948), online edition, (ed Detroit: Gale), 2003.

== External links ==
* [https://archive.org/details/comingofageinsam00mead Coming of age in Samoa; a psychological study of primitive youth for Western civilisation (1928)] (Internet Archive).

{{DEFAULTSORT:Coming Of Age In Samoa}}
[[Category:1928 books]]
[[Category:Anthropology books]]
[[Category:Samoan culture]]
[[Category:Samoan society]]
[[Category:Books about Samoa]]
[[Category:William Morrow and Company books]]

Bill Cosby – Die Superkanone

2007-03-21T01:59:05Z

RubyQ: /* Criticism */ the Worst Picture Razzie goes to the picture, not an individual, so removed (cosby) tagged onto the end of 'Worst Picture'

{{unreferenced||date=June 2006}}

{{Infobox Film | name =Leonard Part 6
| image = Leonard Part 6 DVD cover.jpg
| caption = DVD cover for ''Leonard Part 6''
| director = [[Paul Weiland]]
| producer = [[Bill Cosby]]
| writer = [[Bill Cosby]] (story) [[Jonathan Reynolds]] (screenplay)
| starring = [[Bill Cosby]] [[Tom Courtenay]] [[Joe Don Baker]] [[Moses Gunn]] [[Gloria Foster]]
| music = [[Elmer Bernstein]]
| cinematography = [[Jan de Bont]]
| editing = [[Gerry Hambling]]
| distributor = [[Columbia Pictures]]
| released = [[December 18]], [[1987 in film|1987]] (USA)
| runtime = 85 min
| language = English
| budget = Unknown |
| gross = $4,615,255 (USA)
| imdb_id = 0093405
}}

'''''Leonard Part 6''''' is a [[1987]] [[comedy film]], directed by Paul Weiland and starring [[Bill Cosby]], who also produced and co-wrote the film.

==Synopsis==
{{spoiler}}

Bill Cosby plays Leonard Parker, a former [[CIA]] spy who is recruited by the CIA—again—to save the world from an evil [[vegetarianism|vegetarian]] who brainwashes animals to kill people. The movie also starred [[Joe Don Baker]] and [[Gloria Foster]].

According to the opening sequence of the movie, the title refers to the idea that this film is actually the sixth installment of a series of films featuring the adventures of Leonard Parker, as parts one through five were locked up in the interests of world security.

The film ends with Leonard infiltrating the vegetarian base, fending off the vegetarians with magic meat he received from a magician, freeing the captive animals and flooding the base using dish soap. He escapes by riding an ostrich on the roof of the building, with the ostrich flying him down.

==Criticism==
When the film was released in 1987, Bill Cosby said he was so disappointed with it that he publicly advised people to not waste their money to see it. Cosby blamed most of the movie's problems on Weiland, whom he thought was too young and inexperienced, although Cosby himself was co-writer and producer.

The movie won three [[Golden Raspberry Awards]], for Worst Actor (Cosby), Worst Picture, and Worst Screenplay (Jonathan Reynolds and Cosby). It was nominated for two more Razzie Awards, for Worst Supporting Actress (Foster) and Worst Director (Weiland). For the [[2005]] Razzies, it earned a nomination for the Worst "Comedy" of Our First 25 Years category. A few weeks after the ceremony, Cosby accepted his three Razzies for doing the movie on [[Fox Broadcasting Company|Fox]]'s ''[[The Late Show (1986 TV series)|The Late Show]]''; he requested that the three Razzies he earned be specifically made out of 24 carat (100%) gold and Italian marble.

Many critics also acknowledged Cosby's often confused and lackluster performance. A comedian whose comedy revolves around storytelling and observations of life, Cosby looked quite uncomfortable and lost in a role where the comedy was slapstick oriented and involved one-liner jokes.

The film has been a mainstay on the IMDB's bottom 100 list of the worst films.

Bill Cosby bought the television rights to Lenoard Part Six to ensure that it would never be shown on television.

==Popular Culture==

*[[The Roots]] wrote a song entitled "Leonard I-V", the eighth track on their debut album, entitled [[Organix]]. The lyrics of the chorus include a repetition of the phrase "Whatever happened to Leonard parts one through five?"

*The movie was mentioned in an episode of ''[[Family Guy]]''. When an animated Cosby hypnotizes [[Stewie Griffin|Stewie]], Stewie responds "And I like pudding. And ''[[Ghost Dad]]'' was the best movie I've seen since ''Leonard Part 6''."

==See also==
*[[Films considered the worst ever]]

==External links ==
* {{imdb title|id=0093405|title=Leonard Part 6}}
*[http://agonybooth.com/leonard_6/ the agony booth : ''Leonard Part 6'' Review]

[[Category:1987 films]]
[[Category:Comedy films]]
[[Category:Entertainment flops]]
[[Category:Worst Picture Razzie]]

[[no:Leonard Part 6]]
[[ru:Леонард 6 (фильм)]]

Jesus und die Ehebrecherin

2007-03-03T10:13:45Z

RubyQ: changing IPA pronunciation for correct standard Latin pronunciation

[[Image:GuercinoAdultress1621Dulwich.jpg|thumb|300px|''Christ with the Woman Taken in Adultery'', by [[Giovanni Francesco Barbieri|Guercino]], 1621 (Dulwich Art Gallery).]]
The '''Pericope Adulterae''' ([[International Phonetic Alphabet|Latin pronunciation]] {{IPA |[peˈri.ko.pe aˈdul.te.raɪ]}}; [[IPA for English|English pronunciation]] {{IPA |[pəˈɹɪ.kə.pi əˈdʌl.tə.ɹi]}}; [[Latin]] for "the [[Pericope|passage]] of the adulterous woman") is the name traditionally given to [[verse]]s 7:53–8:11 of the [[Gospel of John]], which describe the attempted [[stoning]] by [[Pharisees]] of an accused [[adultery|adulterous]] woman, and Jesus' defense of her. In English, the passage is usually referred to as "the woman taken in adultery". The woman is traditionally identified as [[Mary Magdalene]], though the connection is not made in the text itself.

==The event==
In the episode, the Pharisees bring to Jesus a woman who has committed adultery, and assert that the [[law of Moses]] requires that she be stoned. They ask for Jesus' opinion in order to test Jesus, so that they will have something with which to accuse him.

Bible commentator Ken Collins explains:

<blockquote>
The trap is this: under the Roman occupation, the power of capital punishment was reserved by the Romans for themselves. All capital cases had to be referred to the Roman authorities and the sentence had to be approved before it could be carried out. So Jesus' enemies figured they could trap Him in a dilemma by presenting Him with a clear-cut case where the Jewish Law demanded the death penalty by public stoning. If Jesus deferred to the Romans, He discredited Himself as a Teacher of the Law. If He condoned the stoning, the Romans would consider Him an insurrectionist and put Him to death. Either way, they thought, He couldn't win. He would either lose His credibility or His life; either way, He would be silenced. [http://www.kencollins.com/disc-07.htm]
</blockquote>

Jesus writes something (unspecified) on the ground, and says, "He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her". The Pharisees slip away, one by one, until only the woman remains. Jesus asks her if any of those condemning her remain. When she responds in the negative, Jesus dismisses her, saying that he will not condemn her either. He instructs her to "go, and sin no more".

The episode is famous for the words "He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her", spoken by Jesus to the woman's accusers, and is a favorite for film adaptations, because it is one of the clearest and most dramatic examples, in the [[Biblical canon|Canonical Gospels]], of Jesus rescuing someone in mortal danger.

This is also the only occasion on which Jesus is recorded to have written anything, though it is not known what was written. Many scholars suspect that it is likely for John to be implying that Jesus wrote down part of the law, possibly the [[ten commandments]], or some cataloguing of the sins of those present.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} Others believe it was an indication that he gave that law in the first place.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

==Authorship==
===Arguments against Johannine authorship===
The pericope is viewed by some contemporary [[biblical criticism|critical]] scholars of the [[New Testament]] as an [[interpolation (manuscripts)|interpolation]]: it is sometimes thought to disrupt the narrative between chapter 7 and in the remainder of chapter 8; according to some scholars {{who}} it appears to use [[Greek language|Greek]] more characteristic of the [[synoptic Gospel]]s than of John; it is found in only one surviving Greek manuscript older than 500 and is displaced in a handful of later manuscripts (circa 1000-1400). One group of MSS (Family 13 / the 'Ferrar Group') even places it into the ''[[Gospel of Luke]]'' after Luke 21:38.

[[Bruce Metzger]] (20th century textual critic, co-editor of the UBS Greek text, 1968) writes that "the evidence for the non-Johannine origin of the pericope of the adulteress is overwhelming". However, other contemporary scholars (such as Maurice Robinson) take a less extreme view.

Even among those scholars who reject the passage as non-Johannine, many nevertheless accept it as an authentic ''tradition'' of [[Jesus]] that was added to the gospel by another writer for the sake of completeness.

[[John Calvin]], in his ''Commentary on John'', wrote pragmatically:

<blockquote>
It seems that this passage was unknown anciently to the Greek Churches; and some conjecture that it has been brought from some other place and inserted here. But as it has always been received by the Latin Churches, and is found in many old Greek manuscripts, and contains nothing unworthy of an Apostolic Spirit, there is no reason why we should refuse to apply it to our advantage.
</blockquote>

Although unknown to Calvin, at least two Greek authors did in fact know all about the passage, namely Nicon (10th century) and Didymus the Teacher (Alexandria, 310-390).

Apologist James Patrick Holding argues that it was an authentic account from the ministry of Jesus, but more likely to have been authored by [[Luke the Evangelist|Luke]], and his "loose leaf" was incorporated into copies of John's Gospel.[http://www.tektonics.org/af/adulterypericope.html]

The 4th century church historian [[Eusebius of Caesarea|Eusebius]] quotes a 2nd century [[Church Fathers|Church Father]] [[Papias]], as recounting a story similar to the pericope adulterae, but attributes it to the [[Gospel of the Hebrews]].

===History of textual criticism on John 7:53-8:11===

During the 16th Century, Western European scholars - both Catholic and Protestant - sought to recover the original Greek text of the New Testament, rather than relying on the [[Vulgate]] Latin translation. For this purpose, printed critical editions of the Greek New Testament began to appear, starting with [[Desiderius Erasmus|Erasmus]]' NT, and followed by the [[Robert Estienne|Stephanus]] and [[Elzevir]] editions. {{Fact|date=February 2007}}

At this time, it was noticed that a small number of early manuscripts containing John's Gospel lacked John 7:53-8:11 inclusive; and also that some manuscripts containing the verses marked them with critical signs, usually a lemniscus or asterisk.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

Early textual critics, familiar with the use and meaning of these marks in classical Greek works like [[Homer]], interpreted the signs to mean that the section (John 7:53-8:11) was an interpolation, was not an original part of the Gospel, and should be removed.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

Reference to the early [[Church Fathers]] showed that some showed no knowledge of the passage, many (especially in the West) strongly defended it, and that a few had rejected it as an interpolation. This led some 16th century critics to doubt its authenticity, even though its obvious orthodoxy and edifying content made it appear to be a genuine incident in the life of Jesus. It was assumed that it had circulated as a piece of oral tradition, and was inserted early into the manuscript tradition at this point in order to preserve it.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

Between 1500 and 1850 were dangerous times to voice seemingly inappropriate or heretical statements about Holy Scripture, so that early scholars, even if convinced of the spuriousness of a verse or passage, dared not openly express his view in those terms.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}

Later in the beginning of the modern era, from around 1840 forward, textual critics found enough freedom to voice dissenting opinion, although there were still dangers of career damage or social penalties. At this time, several early critics came out against the verses, basing their opinion on what was then known of the manuscript evidence, and also arguments from internal evidence (comparisons of diction and style of the passage with the rest of John's Gospel, and other [[Four Evangelists|Evangelists]]).

Beginning with Lachmann (in Germany, 1840), and with these opinions carried into the English world by [[Samuel Davidson]] (1848-1851), [[Samuel Prideaux Tregelles|Tregelles]] (1862), and others, the argument against the verses was given body and final expression in [[Fenton John Anthony Hort|Hort]] (1886). Those opposing the authenticity of the verses as part of John are represented in the 20th century by men like Cadbury (1917), Colwell (1935), and [[Bruce Metzger|Metzger]] (1971).

Recent [[Textual Criticism|text critical]] studies tend to divide ancient New Testament witnesses into text-types - each displaying consistent patterns of variant readings. Although the story of the woman taken in adultery has 2nd century support (from [[Papias]]) as being then found in the [[Gospel of the Hebrews]], it is not found in John in the earliest surviving witnessess to any New Testament text-type. The passage becomes nearly universal in John in the [[Western text-type]] from the 5th century onwards; but is found in no surviving witnesses of the [[Alexandrian text-type]] from before the 9th century; and is also absent from the surviving witnesses of the majority [[Byzantine text-type]] until the 8th Century, although it becomes universal in that text-type from then on. This analysis is widely taken as confirming the assessment of this passage as an independent tradition, only incorporated into the Gospel of John in late antiquity - most likely at first in the West - and achieving general acceptance as part of that Gospel from the 8th century onwards.

On the other hand, many scholars strongly opposed the rejection Johannine authorship for these verses, and presented opposing arguments and counter-analysis. This group of critics is typified by such scholars as Nolan (1865), and [[John William Burgon|Burgon]] (1886), and find modern counterparts and apologists in Hoskier (1920), O.T. Fuller (1978), Pickering (1980), Hodges & Farstad (1985), Pierpont, and Robinson (2005).

When the Greek text of the Gospel of John prepared by Hodges & Farstad is collated against that by Pierpont & Robinson, some 16 major variants are apparent in this one passage; which compares with only 20 in the whole of the rest of John's Gospel. This is because; "The Pericope Adultera in fact has NO "majority text" (Robinson 1995); the manuscript witnesses to this passage divide into three groups, each around 30% of the total. Significantly, these manuscript divisions bear no relation to the counterpart manuscript affinities found for the text of the rest of chapters 7 and 8. Modern textual editors are therefore bound to treat the passage as though it was discrete Gospel of its own, and not as part of the Gospel of John; their differing assumptions as to critical methods yielding very different Greek texts. This indicates that - whether the passage originally stood in John's Gospel or not - it cannot have been transmitted to the surviving witnesses along with the rest of the Gospel.

Almost all modern translations now include the Pericope de Adultera at John 7:53-8:11; but most enclose it in brackets, with a note that the passage is not considered part of the original text of John's Gospel.

===Arguments for Johannine authorship===
On the other hand, Zane C. Hodges and Arthur L. Farstad, in the introduction to their edition of the [[Majority Text]] (a version of the New Testament based primarily on the number of witnesses to a reading, rather than automatically or critically assuming the oldest texts are the most accurate), argue for Johannine authorship of the pericope. They point to the phrasing at 8:6, which follows a similar grammatical structure to 6:6, 7:39, 11:51, 12:6, 12:33, and 21:19, verses regarded as particularly Johannine by most critics. Further, the use of the vocative γύναι (''woman'') is a very typical Johannine usage. The phrase "sin no more" in 8:11 occurs only one other time in the [[New Testament]], at John 5:14.

Hodges and Farstad also argue that the pericope is particularly suited to the point in the Gospel where it occurs in the majority of the 900 copies that contain it. The Feast of Tabernacles is being celebrated (John 7:14), so there would be a large number of pilgrims in the city, making it more likely that strangers would be thrown together. The pericope thus occurs naturally at this point. The confrontation would have to have taken place in the Court of the Women, and indeed John 8:20 indicates that that is where Jesus was. Hodges and Farstad conclude, "If it is not an original part of the Fourth Gospel, its writer would have to be viewed as a skilled Johannine imitator, and its placement in this context as the shrewdest piece of interpolation in literary history!"

==See also==
{{commonscat|Pericope Adulteræ}}
*[[Comma Johanneum]]
*[[New Testament]]
*[[Textual criticism]]
*[[John 21]]
*[[Mark 16]]
*[[Gospel]]

==External links==
The text:
*{{bibleverse||John|7:53-8:11|31}} (NIV)
*{{sourcetext|source=Bible|version=King James|book=John|chapter=7|verse=53|range=-8:11}} (KJV)
*[http://www-user.uni-bremen.de/~wie/TCG/TC-John-PA.pdf The Pericope Adulterae], a detailed text-critical description of the evidence, the manuscripts, and the variants of the Greek text (PDF, 23 pages).
*[http://adultera.awardspace.com/ The Pericope de Adultera Homepage New Site] Links to a wide range of material about all aspects of this text, dozens of new articles here.
*[http://cadesign.webworkercanada.com/pa/ The Pericope de Adultera Homepage] Links to a wide range of material about all aspects of this text, plus links to information about the stoning of people today.

Interpretation of the story:
*[http://www.xenos.org/teachings/nt/john/gary/john8-1.htm John 8:1-11 The Woman Caught In Adultery] - Gary DeLashmutt

[[Category:New Testament]]
[[Category:Doctrines and teachings of Jesus]]
[[Category:Biblical criticism]]
[[Category:Pericope Adulteræ| ]]

[[vi:Người đàn bà ngoại tình]]

Jazz-Beerdigung

2006-11-30T04:14:40Z

RubyQ: /* See also */removed Live and Let Die, which links to a disambiguation page containing nothing of relevance to New Orleans jazz funerals (Paul McCartny, James Bond, Kool & Gang?)

'''Jazz funeral''' is a common name for a [[funeral]] tradition with [[music]] which developed in [[New Orleans, Louisiana]].

[[Image:DrummersBarkerFuneral.jpg|thumb|300px|right|Drummers at the funeral of jazz legend [[Danny Barker]] ]]
The term "jazz funeral" was long in use by observers from elsewhere, but was generally disdained as inappropriate by most New Orleans musicians and practitioners of the tradition. The preferred description was "funeral with music"; while [[jazz]] was part of the music played, it was not the primary focus of the ceremony. This reluctance to use the term faded significantly in the final 15 years or so of the 20th century among the younger generation of New Orleans brass band musicians more familiar with the post-[[Dirty Dozen Brass Band]] funk influenced style than the older traditional jazz New Orleans style.

The tradition arises from African spiritual practices, French and Spanish martial musical traditions, and uniquely African-American cultural influences. The tradition was widespread among New Orleanians across ethnic boundaries at the start of the 20th century. As the common brass band music became wilder in the years before World War I, some "white" New Orleanians considered the hot music disrespectful, and such musical funerals became rare among the city's caucasians. For much of the mid 20th century, the Catholic Church officially frowned on secular music at funerals, so for generations the tradition was largely confined to African American Protestant New Orleanians. After the 1960s it gradually started being practiced across ethnic and religious boundaries. Most commonly such musical funerals are done for individuals who are musicians themselves, connected to the music industry, or members of various [[social aid & pleasure club]]s or [[New Orleans Mardi Gras|Carnival]] [[krewe]]s who make a point of arranging for such funerals for members.

The organizers of the funeral arrange for hiring the band as part of the services. When a respected fellow musician or prominent member of the community dies, some additional musicians may also play in the procession as a sign of their esteem for the deceased.

[[Image:DrMichaelWhiteStAug.jpg|thumb|250px|right|Musicians play for a funeral leaving Saint Augustine Church in the [[Treme]] neighborhood; [[Michael White (clarinetist)|Dr. Michael White]] in foreground]]

A typical jazz funeral begins with a march by the family, friends, and a [[brass band]] from the home, funeral home or church to the cemetery. Throughout the march, the band plays somber dirges, hymns. A change in the tenor of the ceremony takes place, after the deceased is either buried, or the hearse leaves the procession and members of the procession say their final good bye and they "cut the body loose". After this the music becomes more upbeat, often starting with a hymn or spiritual number played in a swinging fashion, then going into popular hot tunes. There is raucous music and cathartic dancing where onlookers join in to celebrate the life of the deceased. Those who follow the band just to enjoy the music are called the [[second line]], and their style of dancing at the same time they are walking, sometimes twirling a parasol or handkerchief in the air, is called second lining.

Some younger [[funk]] and [[hip hop music|hip hop]] oriented brass bands often dispense with the dirges and hymns all together, or perform only one (usually "Just a Closer Walk With Thee," the only such tune still in the repertoire of some such bands).

==See also==
* [[Second line]]

==Notable People Who Have Received "Jazz Funerals"==
* [[Danny Barker]]
* [[Ernie K-Doe]]
* [[Alan Jaffee]]
* [[Anthony Lacen]] (Tuba Fats)
* [[Austin Leslie]]
* [[Professor Longhair]]
* [[Allison ‘Tootie’ Montana|Allison "Tootie" Montana]]
* [[Alphonse Picou]]

== External links ==
* http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/week722/feature.html
* [http://www.gumbopages.com/Tuba/ Jazz Funeral of Anthony "Tuba Fats" Lacen, January 18, 2004]
* http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20051231/ap_on_re_us/new_orleans_new_year_s

{{Louisianarootsmusic}}

[[Category:New Orleans culture]]
[[Category:Death customs]]
[[Category:Jazz]]